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    Contents
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    Causes of secession
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    Outbreak of the war
    Toggle Outbreak of the war subsection
    War
    Toggle War subsection
    Eastern theater
    Toggle Eastern theater subsection
    Western theater
    Toggle Western theater subsection
    Trans-Mississippi theater
    Toggle Trans-Mississippi theater subsection
    Lower Seaboard theater
    Toggle Lower Seaboard theater subsection
    Pacific Coast theater

    Conquest of Virginia
    Toggle Conquest of Virginia subsection
    End of the war

    Union victory and aftermath

    Casualties
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    Emancipation
    Toggle Emancipation subsection
    Reconstruction

    Memory and historiography
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    In works of culture and art
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    See also
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    Notes

    References
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    Further reading

    External links

    American Civil War
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    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    American Civil War
     
    Clockwise from top:Battle of Gettysburg
    Union Captain John Tidball's artillery
    Confederate prisoners
    Ironclad USS Atlanta
    Ruins of Richmond, Virginia
    Battle of Franklin
    Date
    April 12, 1861 – May 26, 1865[a][1][2]
    (4 years, 1 month and 2 weeks)
    Location
    United States, Atlantic Ocean
    Result
    Union victory

    Abolition of slavery in the United States
    Beginning of the Reconstruction era
    Passage of the Reconstruction Amendments
    Territorial
    changes
    Dissolution of the Confederate States of America
    Belligerents
      United States
      Confederate States
    Commanders and leaders
      Abraham Lincoln X
      Ulysses S. Grant
    and others...
      Jefferson Davis  
      Robert E. Lee  
    and others...
    Strength
    2,200,000[b]
    698,000 (peak)[3][4]
    750,000–1,000,000[b][5]
    360,000 (peak)[3][6]
    Casualties and losses
    110,000+  †/ (DOW)
    230,000+ accident/disease deaths[7][8]
    25,000–30,000 died in Confederate prisons[3][7]
    365,000+ total dead[9]

    282,000+ wounded[8]
    181,193 captured[10][c]
    Total: 828,000+ casualties
    94,000+  †/ (DOW)[7]
    26,000–31,000 died in Union prisons[8]
    290,000+ total dead

    137,000+ wounded
    436,658 captured[10][d]
    Total: 864,000+ casualties
    50,000 free civilians dead[11]
    80,000+ slaves dead (disease)[12]
    Total: 616,222[13]–1,000,000+ dead[14][15]
     
    showv
    t
    e
    Theaters of the American Civil War
    Events leading to
    the American Civil War
    hideEconomic
    End of Atlantic slave trade
    Panic of 1857
    hidePolitical
    Northwest Ordinance
    Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions
    Missouri Compromise
    Nullification crisis
    Gag rule
    Tariff of 1828
    End of slavery in British colonies
    Texas Revolution
    Texas annexation
    Mexican–American War
    Wilmot Proviso
    Nashville Convention
    Compromise of 1850
    Fugitive Slave Act of 1850
    Kansas–Nebraska Act
    Ostend Manifesto
    Caning of Charles Sumner
    Lincoln–Douglas debates
    1860 presidential election
    Crittenden Compromise
    Secession of Southern states
    Peace Conference of 1861
    Corwin Amendment
    hideSocial
    Nat Turner's Rebellion
    Martyrdom of Elijah Lovejoy
    Burning of Pennsylvania Hall
    American Slavery As It Is
    Uncle Tom's Cabin
    Bleeding Kansas
    The Impending Crisis of the South
    Oberlin–Wellington Rescue
    John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry
    hideJudicial
    Trial of Reuben Crandall
    Commonwealth v. Aves
    The Amistad affair
    Prigg v. Pennsylvania
    Recapture of Anthony Burns
    Dred Scott v. Sandford
    Virginia v. John Brown
    hideMilitary
    Star of the West
    Battle of Fort Sumter
    President Lincoln's 75,000 volunteers
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    This article is part of a series on the
    History of the
    United States
     
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    Historiography
      Category
      Portal
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    The American Civil War (April 12, 1861 – May 26, 1865; also known by other names) was a civil war in the United States between the Union[e] ("the North") and the Confederacy ("the South"), which had been formed by states that had seceded from the Union.

    The central conflict leading to the war was the dispute over whether slavery would be permitted to expand into the western territories, leading to more slave states, or be prevented from doing so, which many believed would place slavery on a course of ultimate extinction.[16]

    Decades of political controversy over slavery were brought to a head by the victory in the 1860 U.S. presidential election of Abraham Lincoln, who opposed slavery's expansion into the western territories. Seven southern slave states responded to Lincoln's victory by seceding from the United States and forming the Confederacy. The Confederacy seized U.S. forts and other federal assets within their borders. The war began when on April 12, 1861, Confederate troops fired on Fort Sumter in South Carolina's Charleston Harbor. A wave of enthusiasm for war swept over both North and South, as recruitment soared. The states in the undecided border region had to choose sides, although Kentucky declared it was neutral. Four more southern states seceded after the war began and, led by Confederate President Jefferson Davis, the Confederacy asserted control over about a third of the U.S. population in eleven states. Four years of intense combat, mostly in the South, ensued.

    During 1861–1862 in the Western Theater, the Union made significant permanent gains—though in the Eastern Theater the conflict was inconclusive. The abolition of slavery became a Union war goal on January 1, 1863, when Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, which declared all slaves in rebel states to be free, which applied to more than 3.5 million of the 4 million enslaved people in the country. To the west, the Union first destroyed the Confederacy's river navy by the summer of 1862, then much of its western armies, and seized New Orleans. The successful 1863 Union siege of Vicksburg split the Confederacy in two at the Mississippi River, while Confederate General Robert E. Lee's incursion north failed at the Battle of Gettysburg. Western successes led to General Ulysses S. Grant's command of all Union armies in 1864. Inflicting an ever-tightening naval blockade of Confederate ports, the Union marshaled resources and manpower to attack the Confederacy from all directions. This led to the fall of Atlanta in 1864 to Union General William Tecumseh Sherman, followed by his March to the Sea. The last significant battles raged around the ten-month Siege of Petersburg, gateway to the Confederate capital of Richmond. The Confederates abandoned Richmond, and on April 9, 1865, Lee surrendered to Grant following the Battle of Appomattox Court House, setting in motion the end of the war. Lincoln lived to see this victory but on April 14, he was assassinated.

    Appomattox is often referred to symbolically as the end of the war, although arguably there are several different dates for the war's conclusion. Lee's surrender to Grant set off a wave of Confederate surrenders—the last military department of the Confederacy, the Department of the Trans-Mississippi disbanded on May 26. By the end of the war, much of the South's infrastructure was destroyed. The Confederacy collapsed, slavery was abolished, and four million enslaved black people were freed. The war-torn nation then entered the Reconstruction era in an attempt to rebuild the country, bring the former Confederate states back into the United States, and grant civil rights to freed slaves.

    The Civil War is one of the most extensively studied and written about episodes in U.S. history. It remains the subject of cultural and historiographical debate. The myth of the Lost Cause of the Confederacy is often the subject of critical analysis. The American Civil War was among the first wars to use industrial warfare. Railroads, the telegraph, steamships, the ironclad warship, and mass-produced weapons were all widely used during the war. In total, the war left between 620,000 and 750,000 soldiers dead, along with an undetermined number of civilian casualties, making the Civil War the deadliest military conflict in American history.[f] The technology and brutality of the Civil War foreshadowed the coming World Wars.

    Causes of secession
    Main articles: Origins of the American Civil War and Timeline of events leading to the American Civil War
     Status of the states, 1861
       Slave states that seceded before April 15, 1861
       Slave states that seceded after April 15, 1861
       Border Southern states that permitted slavery but did not secede (both KY and MO had dual competing Confederate and Unionist governments)
       Union states that banned slavery
       Territories
    The reasons for the Southern states' decisions to secede have been historically controversial, but most scholars today identify preserving slavery as the central reason for their decision to secede.[17] Several of the seceding states' secession documents designate slavery as a motive for their departure.[16] Although some scholars have offered additional reasons for the war,[18] slavery was the central source of escalating political tensions in the 1850s.[19] The Republican Party was determined to prevent any spread of slavery to the territories, which, after they were admitted as free states, would give the free states greater representation in Congress and the Electoral College. Many Southern leaders had threatened secession if the Republican candidate, Lincoln, won the 1860 election. After Lincoln won, many Southern leaders felt that disunion was their only option, fearing that the loss of representation would hamper their ability to enact pro-slavery laws and policies.[20][21] In his second inaugural address, Lincoln said that:

    slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.[22]
    Slavery
    Main article: Slavery in the United States
    Disagreements among states about the future of slavery were the main cause of disunion and the war that followed.[23][24] Slavery had been controversial during the framing of the Constitution in 1787, which, because of compromises, ended up with proslavery and antislavery features.[25] The issue of slavery had confounded the nation since its inception and increasingly separated the United States into a slaveholding South and a free North. The issue was exacerbated by the rapid territorial expansion of the country, which repeatedly brought to the fore the question of whether new territory should be slaveholding or free. The issue had dominated politics for decades leading up to the war. Key attempts to resolve the matter included the Missouri Compromise and the Compromise of 1850, but these only postponed the showdown over slavery that would lead to the Civil War.[26]

    The motivations of the average person were not necessarily those of their faction;[27][28] some Northern soldiers were indifferent on the subject of slavery, but a general pattern can be established.[29] As the war dragged on, more and more Unionists came to support the abolition of slavery, whether on moral grounds or as a means to cripple the Confederacy.[30] Confederate soldiers fought the war primarily to protect a Southern society of which slavery was an integral part.[31][32] Opponents of slavery considered slavery an anachronistic evil incompatible with republicanism. The strategy of the anti-slavery forces was containment—to stop the expansion of slavery and thereby put it on a path to ultimate extinction.[33] The slaveholding interests in the South denounced this strategy as infringing upon their constitutional rights.[34] With large percentages of their populations in slavery, southern whites saw abolition as inconceivable and believed that the emancipation of slaves would destroy southern families, society, and the South's economy, with large amounts of capital invested in slaves and longstanding fears of a free black population.[35] In particular, many Southerners feared a repeat of the 1804 Haitian massacre (referred to at the time as "the horrors of Santo Domingo"),[36][37] in which former slaves systematically murdered most of what was left of the country's white population after the successful slave revolt in Haiti. Historian Thomas Fleming points to the historical phrase "a disease in the public mind" used by critics of this idea and proposes it contributed to the segregation in the Jim Crow era following emancipation.[38] These fears were exacerbated by the 1859 attempt by John Brown to instigate an armed slave rebellion in the South.[39]

    Abolitionists
    Main article: Abolitionism in the United States
    The abolitionists—those advocating the end of slavery—were active in the decades leading up to the Civil War. They traced their philosophical roots back to some of the Puritans, who believed that slavery was morally wrong. One of the early Puritan writings on this subject was The Selling of Joseph, by Samuel Sewall in 1700. In it, Sewall condemned slavery and the slave trade and refuted many of the era's typical justifications for slavery.[40][41]

    The American Revolution and the cause of liberty added tremendous impetus to the abolitionist cause. Even in Southern states, laws were changed to limit slavery and facilitate manumission. The amount of indentured servitude dropped dramatically throughout the country. An Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves sailed through Congress with little opposition. President Thomas Jefferson supported it, and it went into effect on January 1, 1808, which was the first day that the Constitution (Article I, section 9, clause 1) permitted Congress to prohibit the importation of slaves. Benjamin Franklin and James Madison each helped found manumission societies. Influenced by the American Revolution, many slave owners freed their slaves, but some, such as George Washington, did so only in their wills. The number of free black people as a proportion of the black population in the upper South increased from less than one percent to nearly 10 percent between 1790 and 1810 as a result of these actions.[42][43][44][45][46][47]

    The establishment of the Northwest Territory as "free soil"—no slavery—by Manasseh Cutler and Rufus Putnam (who both came from Puritan New England) would also prove crucial. This territory (which became the states of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and part of Minnesota) virtually doubled the size of the United States. If those states had been slave states and voted for Abraham Lincoln's chief opponent in 1860, Lincoln would not have become president.[48][49][41]

     Frederick Douglass, a former slave, was a leading abolitionist
    In the decades leading up to the Civil War, abolitionists, such as Theodore Parker, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, and Frederick Douglass, repeatedly used the Puritan heritage of the country to bolster their cause. The most radical anti-slavery newspaper, The Liberator, invoked the Puritans and Puritan values over a thousand times. Parker, in urging New England congressmen to support the abolition of slavery, wrote, "The son of the Puritan ... is sent to Congress to stand up for Truth and Right."[50][51] Literature served as a means to spread the message to common folks. Key works included Twelve Years a Slave, the Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, American Slavery as It Is, and the most important: Uncle Tom's Cabin, the best-selling book of the 19th century aside from the Bible.[52][53][54]

    A more unusual abolitionist than those named above was Hinton Rowan Helper, whose 1857 book, The Impending Crisis of the South: How to Meet It, "[e]ven more perhaps than Uncle Tom's Cabin ... fed the fires of sectional controversy leading up to the Civil War."[55] A Southerner and a virulent racist, Helper was nevertheless an abolitionist because he believed, and showed with statistics, that slavery "impeded the progress and prosperity of the South, ... dwindled our commerce, and other similar pursuits, into the most contemptible insignificance; sunk a large majority of our people in galling poverty and ignorance, ... [and] entailed upon us a humiliating dependence on the Free States...."[56]

    By 1840 more than 15,000 people were members of abolitionist societies in the United States. Abolitionism in the United States became a popular expression of moralism, and led directly to the Civil War. In churches, conventions and newspapers, reformers promoted an absolute and immediate rejection of slavery.[57][58] Support for abolition among the religious was not universal though. As the war approached, even the main denominations split along political lines, forming rival Southern and Northern churches. For example, in 1845 the Baptists split into the Northern Baptists and Southern Baptists over the issue of slavery.[59][60]

    Abolitionist sentiment was not strictly religious or moral in origin. The Whig Party became increasingly opposed to slavery because it saw it as inherently against the ideals of capitalism and the free market. Whig leader William H. Seward (who would serve as Lincoln's secretary of state) proclaimed that there was an "irrepressible conflict" between slavery and free labor, and that slavery had left the South backward and undeveloped.[61] As the Whig party dissolved in the 1850s, the mantle of abolition fell to its newly formed successor, the Republican Party.[62]

    Territorial crisis
    Further information: Slave states and free states
    Manifest destiny heightened the conflict over slavery. Each new territory acquired had to face the thorny question of whether to allow or disallow the "peculiar institution".[63] Between 1803 and 1854, the United States achieved a vast expansion of territory through purchase, negotiation, and conquest. At first, the new states carved out of these territories entering the union were apportioned equally between slave and free states. Pro- and anti-slavery forces collided over the territories west of the Mississippi River.[64]

    The Mexican–American War and its aftermath was a key territorial event in the leadup to the war.[65] As the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo finalized the conquest of northern Mexico west to California in 1848, slaveholding interests looked forward to expanding into these lands and perhaps Cuba and Central America as well.[66][67] Prophetically, Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote that "Mexico will poison us", referring to the ensuing divisions around whether the newly conquered lands would end up slave or free.[68] Northern free-soil interests vigorously sought to curtail any further expansion of slave territory. The Compromise of 1850 over California balanced a free-soil state with a stronger federal fugitive slave law for a political settlement after four years of strife in the 1840s. But the states admitted following California were all free: Minnesota (1858), Oregon (1859), and Kansas (1861). In the Southern states, the question of the territorial expansion of slavery westward again became explosive.[69] Both the South and the North drew the same conclusion: "The power to decide the question of slavery for the territories was the power to determine the future of slavery itself."[70][71] Soon after the Utah Territory legalized slavery in 1852, the Utah War of 1857 saw Mormon settlers in the Utah territory fighting the US government.[72][73]

     
    Sen. Stephen A. Douglas, author of the Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854
     
    Sen. John J. Crittenden, of the 1860 Crittenden Compromise
    By 1860, four doctrines had emerged to answer the question of federal control in the territories, and they all claimed they were sanctioned by the Constitution, implicitly or explicitly.[74] The first of these theories, represented by the Constitutional Union Party, argued that the Missouri Compromise apportionment of territory north for free soil and south for slavery should become a constitutional mandate. The failed Crittenden Compromise of 1860 was an expression of this view.[75]

    The second doctrine of congressional preeminence was championed by Abraham Lincoln and the Republican Party. It insisted that the Constitution did not bind legislators to a policy of balance—that slavery could be excluded in a territory, as it was in the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, at the discretion of Congress.[76] Thus Congress could restrict human bondage, but never establish it. The ill-fated Wilmot Proviso announced this position in 1846.[77] The Proviso was a pivotal moment in national politics, as it was the first time slavery had become a major congressional issue based on sectionalism, instead of party lines. Its support by Northern Democrats and Whigs, and opposition by Southerners, was a dark omen of coming divisions.[78]

    Senator Stephen A. Douglas proclaimed the third doctrine: territorial or "popular" sovereignty, which asserted that the settlers in a territory had the same rights as states in the Union to allow or disallow slavery as a purely local matter.[79] The Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854 legislated this doctrine.[80] In the Kansas Territory, political conflict spawned "Bleeding Kansas", a five-year paramilitary conflict between pro- and anti-slavery supporters. The U.S. House of Representatives voted to admit Kansas as a free state in early 1860, but its admission did not pass the Senate until January 1861, after the departure of Southern senators.[81]

    The fourth doctrine was advocated by Mississippi Senator (and soon to be Confederate President) Jefferson Davis.[82] It was one of state sovereignty ("states' rights"),[83] also known as the "Calhoun doctrine",[84] named after the South Carolinian political theorist and statesman John C. Calhoun.[85] Rejecting the arguments for federal authority or self-government, state sovereignty would empower states to promote the expansion of slavery as part of the federal union under the U.S. Constitution.[86] These four doctrines comprised the dominant ideologies presented to the American public on the matters of slavery, the territories, and the U.S. Constitution before the 1860 presidential election.[87]

    States' rights
    A long-running dispute over the origin of the Civil War is to what extent states' rights triggered the conflict. The consensus among historians is that the Civil War was not fought about states' rights.[88][89][90][91] But the issue is frequently referenced in popular accounts of the war and has much traction among Southerners. Southerners advocating secession argued that just as each state had decided to join the Union, a state had the right to secede—leave the Union—at any time. Northerners (including pro-slavery President Buchanan) rejected that notion as opposed to the will of the Founding Fathers, who said they were setting up a perpetual union.[92]

    Historian James McPherson points out that even if Confederates genuinely fought over states' rights, it boiled down to states' right to slavery.[91] McPherson writes concerning states' rights and other non-slavery explanations:

    While one or more of these interpretations remain popular among the Sons of Confederate Veterans and other Southern heritage groups, few professional historians now subscribe to them. Of all these interpretations, the states'-rights argument is perhaps the weakest. It fails to ask the question, states' rights for what purpose? States' rights, or sovereignty, was always more a means than an end, an instrument to achieve a certain goal more than a principle.[91]
    States' rights was an ideology formulated and applied as a means of advancing slave state interests through federal authority.[93] As historian Thomas L. Krannawitter points out, the "Southern demand for federal slave protection represented a demand for an unprecedented expansion of Federal power."[94][95] Before the Civil War, slavery advocates supported the use of federal powers to enforce and extend slavery, as with the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 and the Dred Scott v. Sandford decision.[96][97] The faction that pushed for secession often infringed on states' rights. Because of the overrepresentation of pro-slavery factions in the federal government, many Northerners, even non-abolitionists, feared the Slave Power conspiracy.[96][97] Some Northern states resisted the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act. Historian Eric Foner states that the act "could hardly have been designed to arouse greater opposition in the North. It overrode numerous state and local laws and legal procedures and 'commanded' individual citizens to assist, when called upon, in capturing runaways." He continues, "It certainly did not reveal, on the part of slaveholders, sensitivity to states' rights."[89] According to historian Paul Finkelman, "the southern states mostly complained that the northern states were asserting their states' rights and that the national government was not powerful enough to counter these northern claims."[90] The Confederate Constitution also "federally" required slavery to be legal in all Confederate states and claimed territories.[88][98]

    Sectionalism
     Ambrotype of two unidentified young boys, one in blue Union cap, one in gray Confederate cap (Liljenquist collection, Library of Congress)
    Sectionalism resulted from the different economies, social structure, customs, and political values of the North and South.[99][100] Regional tensions came to a head during the War of 1812, resulting in the Hartford Convention, which manifested Northern dissatisfaction with a foreign trade embargo that affected the industrial North disproportionately, the Three-Fifths Compromise, dilution of Northern power by new states, and a succession of Southern presidents. Sectionalism increased steadily between 1800 and 1860 as the North, which phased slavery out of existence, industrialized, urbanized, and built prosperous farms, while the deep South concentrated on plantation agriculture based on slave labor, together with subsistence agriculture for poor whites. In the 1840s and 1850s, the issue of accepting slavery (in the guise of rejecting slave-owning bishops and missionaries) split the nation's largest religious denominations (the Methodist, Baptist, and Presbyterian churches) into separate Northern and Southern denominations.[101]

    Historians have debated whether economic differences between the mainly industrial North and the mainly agricultural South helped cause the war. Most historians now disagree with the economic determinism of historian Charles A. Beard in the 1920s, and emphasize that Northern and Southern economies were largely complementary. While socially different, the sections economically benefited each other.[102][103]

    Protectionism
    Owners of slaves preferred low-cost manual labor and free trade, while Northern manufacturing interests supported mechanized labor along with tariffs and protectionism.[104] The Democrats in Congress, controlled by Southerners, wrote the tariff laws in the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s, and kept reducing rates so that the 1857 rates were the lowest since 1816. The Republicans called for an increase in tariffs in the 1860 election. These increases were enacted in 1861, after Southerners resigned their seats in Congress.[105][106] The tariff issue was a Northern grievance, but neo-Confederate writers have claimed it was a Southern grievance. In 1860–61 none of the groups that proposed compromises to head off secession raised the tariff issue.[107] Pamphleteers from the North and the South rarely mentioned the tariff.[108]

    Nationalism and honor
    Nationalism was a powerful force in the early 19th century, with famous spokesmen such as Andrew Jackson and Daniel Webster. While practically all Northerners supported the Union, Southerners were split between those loyal to the entirety of the United States (called "Southern Unionists") and those loyal primarily to the Southern region and then the Confederacy.[109]

    Perceived insults to Southern collective honor included the enormous popularity of Uncle Tom's Cabin and abolitionist John Brown's attempt to incite a slave rebellion in 1859.[110][111]

    While the South moved towards a Southern nationalism, leaders in the North were also becoming more nationally minded, and they rejected any notion of splitting the Union. The Republican national electoral platform of 1860 warned that Republicans regarded disunion as treason and would not tolerate it.[112] The South ignored the warnings; Southerners did not realize how ardently the North would fight to hold the Union together.[113]

    Lincoln's election
    Main article: 1860 United States presidential election
     Mathew Brady's Portrait of Abraham Lincoln, 1860
    The election of Abraham Lincoln in November 1860 was the final trigger for secession.[114] Southern leaders feared that Lincoln would stop the expansion of slavery and put it on a course toward extinction.[115] However, Lincoln would not be inaugurated until five months after the election, which gave the South time to secede and prepare for war in the winter and spring of 1861.[116]

    According to Lincoln, the American people had shown that they had been successful in establishing and administering a republic, but a third challenge faced the nation: maintaining a republic based on the people's vote, in the face of an attempt to destroy it.[117]

    Outbreak of the war
    Secession crisis
    The election of Lincoln provoked the legislature of South Carolina to call a state convention to consider secession. Before the war, South Carolina did more than any other Southern state to advance the notion that a state had the right to nullify federal laws, and even to secede from the United States. The convention unanimously voted to secede on December 20, 1860, and adopted a secession declaration. It argued for states' rights for slave owners in the South but complained about states' rights in the North in the form of opposition to the federal Fugitive Slave Act, claiming that Northern states were not fulfilling their obligations under the act to assist in the return of fugitive slaves. The "cotton states" of Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas followed suit, seceding in January and February 1861.[118]

    Among the ordinances of secession passed by the individual states, those of three—Texas, Alabama, and Virginia—specifically mentioned the plight of the "slaveholding states" at the hands of Northern abolitionists. The rest make no mention of the slavery issue and are often brief announcements of the dissolution of ties by the legislatures.[119] However, at least four states—South Carolina,[120] Mississippi,[121] Georgia,[122] and Texas[123]—also passed lengthy and detailed explanations of their reasons for secession, all of which laid the blame squarely on the movement to abolish slavery and that movement's influence over the politics of the Northern states. The Southern states believed slaveholding was a constitutional right because of the Fugitive Slave Clause of the Constitution. These states agreed to form a new federal government, the Confederate States of America, on February 4, 1861.[124] They took control of federal forts and other properties within their boundaries with little resistance from outgoing President James Buchanan, whose term ended on March 4, 1861. Buchanan said that the Dred Scott decision was proof that the South had no reason for secession, and that the Union "was intended to be perpetual", but that "The power by force of arms to compel a State to remain in the Union" was not among the "enumerated powers granted to Congress".[125] One-quarter of the U.S. Army—the entire garrison in Texas—was surrendered in February 1861 to state forces by its commanding general, David E. Twiggs, who then joined the Confederacy.[126]

    As Southerners resigned their seats in the Senate and the House, Republicans were able to pass projects that had been blocked by Southern senators before the war. These included the Morrill Tariff, land grant colleges (the Morrill Act), a Homestead Act, a transcontinental railroad (the Pacific Railroad Acts),[127] the National Bank Act, the authorization of United States Notes by the Legal Tender Act of 1862, and the ending of slavery in the District of Columbia. The Revenue Act of 1861 introduced the income tax to help finance the war.[128]

     Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America (1861–1865)
    In December 1860, the Crittenden Compromise was proposed to re-establish the Missouri Compromise line by constitutionally banning slavery in territories to the north of the line while permitting it to the south. The adoption of this compromise likely would have prevented the secession of the Southern states, but Lincoln and the Republicans rejected it.[129] Lincoln stated that any compromise that would extend slavery would in time bring down the Union.[130] A pre-war February Peace Conference of 1861 met in Washington, proposing a solution similar to that of the Crittenden Compromise; it was rejected by Congress. The Republicans proposed the Corwin Amendment, an alternative compromise not to interfere with slavery where it existed, but the South regarded it as insufficient. Nonetheless, the remaining eight slave states rejected pleas to join the Confederacy following a two-to-one no-vote in Virginia's First Secessionist Convention on April 4, 1861.[131]

    On March 4, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was sworn in as president. In his inaugural address, he argued that the Constitution was a more perfect union than the earlier Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, that it was a binding contract, and called any secession "legally void".[132] He had no intent to invade Southern states, nor did he intend to end slavery where it existed, but said that he would use force to maintain possession of federal property,[132] including forts, arsenals, mints, and customhouses that had been seized by the Southern states.[133] The government would make no move to recover post offices, and if resisted, mail delivery would end at state lines. Where popular conditions did not allow peaceful enforcement of federal law, U.S. marshals and judges would be withdrawn. No mention was made of bullion lost from U.S. mints in Louisiana, Georgia, and North Carolina. He stated that it would be U.S. policy to only collect import duties at its ports; there could be no serious injury to the South to justify the armed revolution during his administration. His speech closed with a plea for restoration of the bonds of union, famously calling on "the mystic chords of memory" binding the two regions.[132]

    The Davis government of the new Confederacy sent three delegates to Washington to negotiate a peace treaty with the United States of America. Lincoln rejected any negotiations with Confederate agents because he claimed the Confederacy was not a legitimate government, and that making any treaty with it would be tantamount to recognition of it as a sovereign government.[134] Lincoln instead attempted to negotiate directly with the governors of individual seceded states, whose administrations he continued to recognize.[135]

    Complicating Lincoln's attempts to defuse the crisis were the actions of the new Secretary of State, William Seward. Seward had been Lincoln's main rival for the Republican presidential nomination. Shocked and embittered by this defeat, Seward agreed to support Lincoln's candidacy only after he was guaranteed the executive office that was considered at that time to be the most powerful and important after the presidency itself. Even in the early stages of Lincoln's presidency Seward still held little regard for the new chief executive due to his perceived inexperience, and therefore Seward viewed himself as the de facto head of government or "prime minister" behind the throne of Lincoln. In this role, Seward attempted to engage in unauthorized and indirect negotiations that failed.[134] However, President Lincoln was determined to hold all remaining Union-occupied forts in the Confederacy: Fort Monroe in Virginia, Fort Pickens, Fort Jefferson, and Fort Taylor in Florida, and Fort Sumter in South Carolina.[136][citation needed]

    Battle of Fort Sumter
    Main article: Battle of Fort Sumter
    See also: President Lincoln's 75,000 volunteers
     The Battle of Fort Sumter, as depicted by Currier and Ives
    The American Civil War began on April 12, 1861, when Confederate forces opened fire on the Union-held Fort Sumter. Fort Sumter is located in the middle of the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina.[137] Its status had been contentious for months. Outgoing President Buchanan had dithered in reinforcing the Union garrison in the harbor, which was under the command of Major Robert Anderson. Anderson took matters into his own hands and on December 26, 1860, under the cover of darkness, sailed the garrison from the poorly placed Fort Moultrie to the stalwart island Fort Sumter.[138] Anderson's actions catapulted him to hero status in the North. An attempt to resupply the fort on January 9, 1861, failed and nearly started the war then and there. But an informal truce held.[139] On March 5, the newly sworn-in Lincoln was informed that the fort was running low on supplies.[140]

    Fort Sumter proved to be one of the main challenges of the new Lincoln administration.[140] Back-channel dealing by Secretary of State Seward with the Confederates undermined Lincoln's decision-making; Seward wanted to pull out of the fort.[141] But a firm hand by Lincoln tamed Seward, and Seward became one of Lincoln's staunchest allies. Lincoln ultimately decided that holding the fort, which would require reinforcing it, was the only workable option. Thus, on April 6, Lincoln informed the Governor of South Carolina that a ship with food but no ammunition would attempt to supply the fort. Historian McPherson describes this win-win approach as "the first sign of the mastery that would mark Lincoln's presidency"; the Union would win if it could resupply and hold onto the fort, and the South would be the aggressor if it opened fire on an unarmed ship supplying starving men.[142] An April 9 Confederate cabinet meeting resulted in President Davis's ordering General P. G. T. Beauregard to take the fort before supplies could reach it.[143]

    At 4:30 am on April 12, Confederate forces fired the first of 4,000 shells at the fort; it fell the next day. The loss of Fort Sumter lit a patriotic fire under the North.[144] On April 15, Lincoln called on the states to field 75,000 volunteer troops for 90 days; impassioned Union states met the quotas quickly.[145] On May 3, 1861, Lincoln called for an additional 42,000 volunteers for a period of three years.[146][147] Shortly after this, Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas, and North Carolina seceded and joined the Confederacy. To reward Virginia, the Confederate capital was moved to Richmond.[148]

    Attitude of the border states
    Main article: Border states (American Civil War)
     US Secession map. The Union vs. the Confederacy.   Union states
       Union territories not permitting slavery
       Southern Border Union states, permitting slavery
    (One of these states, West Virginia, was created in 1863, while KY and MO had dual competing Confederate and Unionist governments)   Confederate states
       Union territories that permitted slavery (claimed by Confederacy) at the start of the war, but where slavery was outlawed by the U.S. in 1862
    Maryland, Delaware, Missouri, and Kentucky were slave states whose people had divided loyalties to Northern and Southern businesses and family members. Some men enlisted in the Union Army and others in the Confederate Army.[149] West Virginia separated from Virginia and was admitted to the Union on June 20, 1863.[150]

    Maryland's territory surrounded the United States' capital of Washington, D.C., and could cut it off from the North.[151] It had numerous anti-Lincoln officials who tolerated anti-army rioting in Baltimore and the burning of bridges, both aimed at hindering the passage of troops to the South. Maryland's legislature voted overwhelmingly (53–13) to stay in the Union, but also rejected hostilities with its southern neighbors, voting to close Maryland's rail lines to prevent them from being used for war.[152] Lincoln responded by establishing martial law and unilaterally suspending habeas corpus in Maryland, along with sending in militia units from the North.[153] Lincoln rapidly took control of Maryland and the District of Columbia by seizing many prominent figures, including arresting 1/3 of the members of the Maryland General Assembly on the day it reconvened.[152][154] All were held without trial, with Lincoln ignoring a ruling on June 1, 1861, by U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice Roger Taney, not speaking for the Court,[155] that only Congress (and not the president) could suspend habeas corpus (Ex parte Merryman). Federal troops imprisoned a prominent Baltimore newspaper editor, Frank Key Howard (grandson of Francis Scott Key), after he criticized Lincoln in an editorial for ignoring Taney's ruling.[156]

    In Missouri, an elected convention on secession voted decisively to remain within the Union. When pro-Confederate Governor Claiborne F. Jackson called out the state militia, it was attacked by federal forces under General Nathaniel Lyon, who chased the governor and the rest of the State Guard to the southwestern corner of the state (see also: Missouri secession). Early in the war the Confederacy controlled the southern portion of Missouri through the Confederate government of Missouri but was largely driven out of the state after 1862. In the resulting vacuum, the convention on secession reconvened and took power as the Unionist provisional government of Missouri.[157]

    Kentucky did not secede; for a time, it declared itself neutral. When Confederate forces entered the state in September 1861, neutrality ended and the state reaffirmed its Union status while maintaining slavery. During a brief invasion by Confederate forces in 1861, Confederate sympathizers and delegates from 68 Kentucky counties organized a secession convention at the Russellville Convention, formed the shadow Confederate Government of Kentucky, inaugurated a governor, and gained recognition from the Confederacy and Kentucky was formally admitted into the Confederacy on December 10, 1861. Its jurisdiction extended only as far as Confederate battle lines in the Commonwealth which at its greatest extent was over half the state, and it went into exile after October 1862.[158]

    After Virginia's secession, a Unionist government in Wheeling asked 48 counties to vote on an ordinance to create a new state on October 24, 1861. A voter turnout of 34 percent approved the statehood bill (96 percent approving).[159] Twenty-four secessionist counties were included in the new state,[160] and the ensuing guerrilla war engaged about 40,000 federal troops for much of the war.[161][162] Congress admitted West Virginia to the Union on June 20, 1863. West Virginia provided about 20,000–22,000 soldiers to both the Confederacy and the Union.[163]

    A Unionist secession attempt occurred in East Tennessee, but was suppressed by the Confederacy, which arrested over 3,000 men suspected of being loyal to the Union. They were held without trial.[164]

    War
    See also: List of American Civil War battles and Military leadership in the American Civil War
    The Civil War was a contest marked by the ferocity and frequency of battle. Over four years, 237 named battles were fought, as were many more minor actions and skirmishes, which were often characterized by their bitter intensity and high casualties. In his book The American Civil War, British historian John Keegan writes that "The American Civil War was to prove one of the most ferocious wars ever fought". In many cases, without geographic objectives, the only target for each side was the enemy's soldier.[165]

    Mobilization
    See also: Economic history of the United States Civil War
     Rioters attacking a building during the New York anti-draft riots of 1863
    As the first seven states began organizing a Confederacy in Montgomery, the entire U.S. army numbered 16,000. However, Northern governors had begun to mobilize their militias.[166] The Confederate Congress authorized the new nation up to 100,000 troops sent by governors as early as February. By May, Jefferson Davis was pushing for 100,000 soldiers for one year or the duration, and that was answered in kind by the U.S. Congress.[167][168][169]

    In the first year of the war, both sides had far more volunteers than they could effectively train and equip. After the initial enthusiasm faded, reliance on the cohort of young men who came of age every year and wanted to join was not enough. Both sides used a draft law—conscription—as a device to encourage or force volunteering; relatively few were drafted and served. The Confederacy passed a draft law in April 1862 for young men aged 18 to 35; overseers of slaves, government officials, and clergymen were exempt. The U.S. Congress followed in July, authorizing a militia draft within a state when it could not meet its quota with volunteers. European immigrants joined the Union Army in large numbers, including 177,000 born in Germany and 144,000 born in Ireland.[170]

    When the Emancipation Proclamation went into effect in January 1863, ex-slaves were energetically recruited by the states and used to meet the state quotas. States and local communities offered higher and higher cash bonuses for white volunteers. Congress tightened the law in March 1863. Men selected in the draft could provide substitutes or, until mid-1864, pay commutation money. Many eligibles pooled their money to cover the cost of anyone drafted. Families used the substitute provision to select which man should go into the army and which should stay home. There was much evasion and overt resistance to the draft, especially in Catholic areas. The draft riot in New York City in July 1863 involved Irish immigrants who had been signed up as citizens to swell the vote of the city's Democratic political machine, not realizing it made them liable for the draft.[171] Of the 168,649 men procured for the Union through the draft, 117,986 were substitutes, leaving only 50,663 who had their services conscripted.[172]

    In both the North and South, the draft laws were highly unpopular. In the North, some 120,000 men evaded conscription, many of them fleeing to Canada, and another 280,000 soldiers deserted during the war.[173] At least 100,000 Southerners deserted, or about 10 percent; Southern desertion was high because, according to one historian writing in 1991, the highly localized Southern identity meant that many Southern men had little investment in the outcome of the war, with individual soldiers caring more about the fate of their local area than any grand ideal.[174] In the North, "bounty jumpers" enlisted to get the generous bonus, deserted, then went back to a second recruiting station under a different name to sign up again for a second bonus; 141 were caught and executed.[175]

    From a tiny frontier force in 1860, the Union and Confederate armies had grown into the "largest and most efficient armies in the world" within a few years. Some European observers at the time dismissed them as amateur and unprofessional,[176] but historian John Keegan concluded that each outmatched the French, Prussian, and Russian armies of the time, and without the Atlantic, would have threatened any of them with defeat.[177]

    Prisoners
    Main article: American Civil War prison camps
    At the start of the Civil War, a system of paroles operated. Captives agreed not to fight until they were officially exchanged. Meanwhile, they were held in camps run by their army. They were paid, but they were not allowed to perform any military duties.[178] The system of exchanges collapsed in 1863 when the Confederacy refused to exchange black prisoners. After that, about 56,000 of the 409,000 POWs died in prisons during the war, accounting for nearly 10 percent of the conflict's fatalities.[179]

    Women
    See also: Women in the military § United States, and Gender issues in the American Civil War
    Historian Elizabeth D. Leonard writes that, according to various estimates, between five hundred and one thousand women enlisted as soldiers on both sides of the war, disguised as men.[180]: 165, 310–11  Women also served as spies, resistance activists, nurses, and hospital personnel.[180]: 240  Women served on the Union hospital ship Red Rover and nursed Union and Confederate troops at field hospitals.[181]

    Mary Edwards Walker, the only woman ever to receive the Medal of Honor, served in the Union Army and was given the medal for her efforts to treat the wounded during the war. Her name was deleted from the Army Medal of Honor Roll in 1917 (along with over 900 other Medal of Honor recipients); however, it was restored in 1977.[182][183]

    Naval tactics
     Battle between the USS Monitor and Merrimack
    The small U.S. Navy of 1861 was rapidly enlarged to 6,000 officers and 45,000 sailors in 1865, with 671 vessels, having a tonnage of 510,396.[184][185] Its mission was to blockade Confederate ports, take control of the river system, defend against Confederate raiders on the high seas, and be ready for a possible war with the British Royal Navy.[186] Meanwhile, the main riverine war was fought in the West, where a series of major rivers gave access to the Confederate heartland. The U.S. Navy eventually gained control of the Red, Tennessee, Cumberland, Mississippi, and Ohio rivers. In the East, the Navy shelled Confederate forts and provided support for coastal army operations.[187]

    The Civil War occurred during the early stages of the industrial revolution. Many naval innovations emerged during this time, most notably the advent of the ironclad warship. It began when the Confederacy, knowing they had to meet or match the Union's naval superiority, responded to the Union blockade by building or converting more than 130 vessels, including twenty-six ironclads and floating batteries.[188] Only half of these saw active service. Many were equipped with ram bows, creating "ram fever" among Union squadrons wherever they threatened. But in the face of overwhelming Union superiority and the Union's ironclad warships, they were unsuccessful.[189]

    In addition to ocean-going warships coming up the Mississippi, the Union Navy used timberclads, tinclads, and armored gunboats. Shipyards at Cairo, Illinois, and St. Louis built new boats or modified steamboats for action.[190]

    The Confederacy experimented with the submarine CSS Hunley, which did not work satisfactorily,[191] and with building an ironclad ship, CSS Virginia, which was based on rebuilding a sunken Union ship, Merrimack. On its first foray, on March 8, 1862, Virginia inflicted significant damage to the Union's wooden fleet, but the next day the first Union ironclad, USS Monitor, arrived to challenge it in the Chesapeake Bay. The resulting three-hour Battle of Hampton Roads was a draw, but it proved that ironclads were effective warships.[192] Not long after the battle, the Confederacy was forced to scuttle the Virginia to prevent its capture, while the Union built many copies of the Monitor. Lacking the technology and infrastructure to build effective warships, the Confederacy attempted to obtain warships from Great Britain. However, this failed, because Great Britain had no interest in selling warships to a nation that was at war with a stronger enemy, and doing so could sour relations with the U.S.[193]

    Union blockade
    Main article: Union blockade
     General Scott's "Anaconda Plan" 1861. Tightening naval blockade, forcing rebels out of Missouri along the Mississippi River, Kentucky Unionists sit on the fence, idled cotton industry illustrated in Georgia.
    By early 1861, General Winfield Scott had devised the Anaconda Plan to win the war with as little bloodshed as possible, which called for blockading the Confederacy and slowly suffocating the South to surrender.[194] Lincoln adopted parts of the plan, but chose to prosecute a more active vision of war.[195] In April 1861, Lincoln announced the Union blockade of all Southern ports; commercial ships could not get insurance and regular traffic ended. The South blundered in embargoing cotton exports in 1861 before the blockade was effective; by the time they realized the mistake, it was too late. "King Cotton" was dead, as the South could export less than 10 percent of its cotton. The blockade shut down the ten Confederate seaports with railheads that moved almost all the cotton, especially New Orleans, Mobile, and Charleston. By June 1861, warships were stationed off the principal Southern ports, and a year later nearly 300 ships were in service.[196]

    Blockade runners
    Main article: Blockade runners of the American Civil War
     Gunline of nine Union ironclads. South Atlantic Blockading Squadron off Charleston. Continuous blockade of all major ports was sustained by North's overwhelming war production.
    The Confederates began the war short on military supplies and in desperate need of large quantities of arms which the agrarian South could not provide. Arms manufactures in the industrial North were restricted by an arms embargo, keeping shipments of arms from going to the South, and ending all existing and future contracts. The Confederacy subsequently looked to foreign sources for their enormous military needs and sought out financiers and companies like S. Isaac, Campbell & Company and the London Armoury Company in Britain, who acted as purchasing agents for the Confederacy, connecting them with Britain's many arms manufactures, and ultimately becoming the Confederacy's main source of arms.[197][198]

    To get the arms safely to the Confederacy, British investors built small, fast, steam-driven blockade runners that traded arms and supplies brought in from Britain through Bermuda, Cuba, and the Bahamas in return for high-priced cotton. Many of the ships were lightweight and designed for speed and could only carry a relatively small amount of cotton back to England.[199] When the Union Navy seized a blockade runner, the ship and cargo were condemned as a prize of war and sold, with the proceeds given to the Navy sailors; the captured crewmen were mostly British, and they were released.[200]

    Economic impact
    The Southern economy nearly collapsed during the war. There were multiple reasons for this: the severe deterioration of food supplies, especially in cities, the failure of Southern railroads, the loss of control of the main rivers, foraging by Northern armies, and the seizure of animals and crops by Confederate armies.[201] Most historians agree that the blockade was a major factor in ruining the Confederate economy; however, Wise argues that the blockade runners provided just enough of a lifeline to allow Lee to continue fighting for additional months, thanks to fresh supplies of 400,000 rifles, lead, blankets, and boots that the homefront economy could no longer supply.[201]

    Surdam argues that the blockade was a powerful weapon that eventually ruined the Southern economy, at the cost of few lives in combat. Practically, the entire Confederate cotton crop was useless (although it was sold to Union traders), costing the Confederacy its main source of income. Critical imports were scarce and the coastal trade was largely ended as well.[202] The measure of the blockade's success was not the few ships that slipped through, but the thousands that never tried it. Merchant ships owned in Europe could not get insurance and were too slow to evade the blockade, so they stopped calling at Confederate ports.[203]

    To fight an offensive war, the Confederacy purchased arms in Britain and converted British-built ships into commerce raiders. Purchasing arms involved the smuggling of 600,000 arms (mostly British Enfield rifles) that enabled the Confederate Army to fight on for two more years[204][205] and the commerce raiders were used in raiding U.S. Merchant Marine ships in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Insurance rates skyrocketed and the American flag virtually disappeared from international waters. However, the same ships were reflagged with European flags and continued unmolested.[189] After the war ended, the U.S. government demanded that Britain compensate it for the damage done by blockade runners and raiders outfitted in British ports. Britain partly acquiesced to the demand, paying the U.S. $15 million in 1871 only for commerce raiding.[206]

    Dinçaslan argues that another outcome of the blockade was oil's rise to prominence as a widely used and traded commodity. The already declining whale oil industry took a blow as many old whaling ships were used in blockade efforts such as the Stone Fleet, and Confederate raiders harassing Union whalers aggravated the situation. Oil products that had been treated mostly as lubricants, especially kerosene, started to replace whale oil used in lamps and essentially became a fuel commodity. This increased the importance of oil as a commodity, long before its eventual use as fuel for combustion engines.[207]

    Diplomacy
    Main article: Diplomacy of the American Civil War
    Further information: United Kingdom and the American Civil War and France and the American Civil War
     A December 1861 cartoon in Punch magazine in London ridicules American aggressiveness in the Trent Affair. John Bull, at right, warns Uncle Sam, "You do what's right, my son, or I'll blow you out of the water."
    Although the Confederacy hoped that Britain and France would join them against the Union, this was never likely, and so they instead tried to bring the British and French governments in as mediators.[208][209] The Union, under Lincoln and Seward, worked to block this and threatened war if any country officially recognized the existence of the Confederate States of America. In 1861, Southerners voluntarily embargoed cotton shipments, hoping to start an economic depression in Europe that would force Britain to enter the war to get cotton, but this did not work. Worse, Europe turned to Egypt and India for cotton, which they found superior, hindering the South's recovery after the war.[210][211]

    Cotton diplomacy proved a failure as Europe had a surplus of cotton, while the 1860–62 crop failures in Europe made the North's grain exports of critical importance. It also helped to turn European opinion further away from the Confederacy. It was said that "King Corn was more powerful than King Cotton", as U.S. grain went from a quarter of the British import trade to almost half.[210] Meanwhile, the war created employment for arms makers, ironworkers, and ships to transport weapons.[211]

    Lincoln's administration initially failed to appeal to European public opinion. At first, diplomats explained that the United States was not committed to the ending of slavery, and instead repeated legalistic arguments about the unconstitutionality of secession. Confederate representatives, on the other hand, started off much more successful, by ignoring slavery and instead focusing on their struggle for liberty, their commitment to free trade, and the essential role of cotton in the European economy.[212] The European aristocracy was "absolutely gleeful in pronouncing the American debacle as proof that the entire experiment in popular government had failed. European government leaders welcomed the fragmentation of the ascendant American Republic."[212] However, there was still a European public with liberal sensibilities, that the U.S. sought to appeal to by building connections with the international press. As early as 1861, many Union diplomats such as Carl Schurz realized emphasizing the war against slavery was the Union's most effective moral asset in the struggle for public opinion in Europe. Seward was concerned that an overly radical case for reunification would distress the European merchants with cotton interests; even so, Seward supported a widespread campaign of public diplomacy.[212]

    U.S. minister to Britain Charles Francis Adams proved particularly adept and convinced Britain not to openly challenge the Union blockade. The Confederacy purchased several warships from commercial shipbuilders in Britain (CSS Alabama, CSS Shenandoah, CSS Tennessee, CSS Tallahassee, CSS Florida, and some others). The most famous, Alabama, did considerable damage and led to serious postwar disputes. However, public opinion against slavery in Britain created a political liability for British politicians, where the anti-slavery movement was powerful.[213]

    War loomed in late 1861 between the U.S. and Britain over the Trent affair, which began when U.S. Navy personnel boarded the British ship Trent and seized two Confederate diplomats. However, London and Washington were able to smooth over the problem after Lincoln released the two men.[214] Prince Albert had left his deathbed to issue diplomatic instructions to Lord Lyons during the Trent affair. His request was honored, and, as a result, the British response to the United States was toned down and helped avert the British becoming involved in the war.[215] In 1862, the British government considered mediating between the Union and Confederacy, though even such an offer would have risked war with the United States. British Prime Minister Lord Palmerston reportedly read Uncle Tom's Cabin three times when deciding on what his decision would be.[214]

    The Union victory in the Battle of Antietam caused the British to delay this decision. The Emancipation Proclamation over time would reinforce the political liability of supporting the Confederacy. Realizing that Washington could not intervene in Mexico as long as the Confederacy controlled Texas, France invaded Mexico in 1861 and installed the Habsburg Austrian archduke Maximilian I as emperor.[216] Washington repeatedly protested France's violation of the Monroe Doctrine. Despite sympathy for the Confederacy, France's seizure of Mexico ultimately deterred it from war with the Union. Confederate offers late in the war to end slavery in return for diplomatic recognition were not seriously considered by London or Paris. After 1863, the Polish revolt against Russia further distracted the European powers and ensured that they would remain neutral.[217]

    Russia supported the Union, largely because it believed that the U.S. served as a counterbalance to its geopolitical rival, the United Kingdom. In 1863, the Russian Navy's Baltic and Pacific fleets wintered in the American ports of New York and San Francisco, respectively.[218]

    Eastern theater
    Further information: Eastern Theater of the American Civil War
     County map of Civil War battles by theater and year
    The Eastern theater refers to the military operations east of the Appalachian Mountains, including the states of Virginia, West Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, the District of Columbia, and the coastal fortifications and seaports of North Carolina.[219]

    Background
    Army of the Potomac
    Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan took command of the Union Army of the Potomac on July 26, 1861 (he was briefly general-in-chief of all the Union armies but was subsequently relieved of that post in favor of Maj. Gen. Henry W. Halleck), and the war began in earnest in 1862. The 1862 Union strategy called for simultaneous advances along four axes:[220]

    McClellan would lead the main thrust in Virginia towards Richmond.
    Ohio forces would advance through Kentucky into Tennessee.
    The Missouri Department would drive south along the Mississippi River.
    The westernmost attack would originate from Kansas.
    Army of Northern Virginia
     Robert E. Lee
    The primary Confederate force in the Eastern theater was the Army of Northern Virginia. The Army originated as the (Confederate) Army of the Potomac, which was organized on June 20, 1861, from all operational forces in Northern Virginia. On July 20 and 21, the Army of the Shenandoah and forces from the District of Harpers Ferry were added. Units from the Army of the Northwest were merged into the Army of the Potomac between March 14 and May 17, 1862. The Army of the Potomac was renamed Army of Northern Virginia on March 14. The Army of the Peninsula was merged into it on April 12, 1862.

    When Virginia declared its secession in April 1861, Robert E. Lee chose to follow his home state, despite his desire for the country to remain intact and an offer of a senior Union command.

    Lee's biographer, Douglas S. Freeman, asserts that the army received its final name from Lee when he issued orders assuming command on June 1, 1862.[221] However, Freeman does admit that Lee corresponded with Brigadier General Joseph E. Johnston, his predecessor in army command, before that date and referred to Johnston's command as the Army of Northern Virginia. Part of the confusion results from the fact that Johnston commanded the Department of Northern Virginia (as of October 22, 1861) and the name Army of Northern Virginia can be seen as an informal consequence of its parent department's name. Jefferson Davis and Johnston did not adopt the name, but it is clear that the organization of units as of March 14 was the same organization that Lee received on June 1, and thus it is generally referred to today as the Army of Northern Virginia, even if that is correct only in retrospect.

    On July 4 at Harper's Ferry, Colonel Thomas J. Jackson assigned Jeb Stuart to command all the cavalry companies of the Army of the Shenandoah. He eventually commanded the Army of Northern Virginia's cavalry.

    Battles
    In one of the first highly visible battles, in July 1861, a march by Union troops under the command of Maj. Gen. Irvin McDowell on the Confederate forces led by Beauregard near Washington was repulsed at the First Battle of Bull Run (also known as First Manassas).

    The Union had the upper hand at first, nearly pushing confederate forces holding a defensive position into a rout, but Confederate reinforcements under Joseph E. Johnston arrived from the Shenandoah Valley by railroad, and the course of the battle quickly changed. A brigade of Virginians under the relatively unknown brigadier general from the Virginia Military Institute, Thomas J. Jackson, stood its ground, which resulted in Jackson receiving his famous nickname, "Stonewall".

    Upon the strong urging of President Lincoln to begin offensive operations, McClellan attacked Virginia in the spring of 1862 by way of the peninsula between the York River and James River, southeast of Richmond. McClellan's army reached the gates of Richmond in the Peninsula Campaign.[222][223][224]

     The Battle of Antietam, the Civil War's deadliest one-day fight
    Also in the spring of 1862, in the Shenandoah Valley, Stonewall Jackson led his Valley Campaign. Employing audacity and rapid, unpredictable movements on interior lines, Jackson's 17,000 troops marched 646 miles (1,040 km) in 48 days and won several minor battles as they successfully engaged three Union armies (52,000 men), including those of Nathaniel P. Banks and John C. Fremont, preventing them from reinforcing the Union offensive against Richmond. The swiftness of Jackson's men earned them the nickname of "foot cavalry".

    Johnston halted McClellan's advance at the Battle of Seven Pines, but he was wounded in the battle, and Robert E. Lee assumed his position of command. General Lee and top subordinates James Longstreet and Stonewall Jackson defeated McClellan in the Seven Days Battles and forced his retreat.[225]

    The Northern Virginia Campaign, which included the Second Battle of Bull Run, ended in yet another victory for the South.[226] McClellan resisted General-in-Chief Halleck's orders to send reinforcements to John Pope's Union Army of Virginia, which made it easier for Lee's Confederates to defeat twice the number of combined enemy troops.[citation needed]

    Emboldened by Second Bull Run, the Confederacy made its first invasion of the North with the Maryland Campaign. General Lee led 45,000 troops of the Army of Northern Virginia across the Potomac River into Maryland on September 5. Lincoln then restored Pope's troops to McClellan. McClellan and Lee fought at the Battle of Antietam near Sharpsburg, Maryland, on September 17, 1862, the bloodiest single day in United States military history.[225][227] Lee's army, checked at last, returned to Virginia before McClellan could destroy it. Antietam is considered a Union victory because it halted Lee's invasion of the North and provided an opportunity for Lincoln to announce his Emancipation Proclamation.[228]

    When the cautious McClellan failed to follow up on Antietam, he was replaced by Maj. Gen. Ambrose Burnside. Burnside was soon defeated at the Battle of Fredericksburg[229] on December 13, 1862, when more than 12,000 Union soldiers were killed or wounded during repeated futile frontal assaults against Marye's Heights.[230] After the battle, Burnside was replaced by Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker.[231]

     Pickett's Charge
    Hooker, too, proved unable to defeat Lee's army; despite outnumbering the Confederates by more than two to one, his Chancellorsville Campaign proved ineffective, and he was humiliated in the Battle of Chancellorsville in May 1863.[232] Chancellorsville is known as Lee's "perfect battle" because his risky decision to divide his army in the presence of a much larger enemy force resulted in a significant Confederate victory. Gen. Stonewall Jackson was shot in the left arm and right hand by accidental friendly fire during the battle. The arm was amputated, but he died shortly thereafter of pneumonia.[233] Lee famously said: "He has lost his left arm, but I have lost my right arm."[234]

    The fiercest fighting of the battle—and the second bloodiest day of the Civil War—occurred on May 3 as Lee launched multiple attacks against the Union position at Chancellorsville. That same day, John Sedgwick advanced across the Rappahannock River, defeated the small Confederate force at Marye's Heights in the Second Battle of Fredericksburg, and then moved to the west. The Confederates fought a successful delaying action at the Battle of Salem Church.[235]

    Gen. Hooker was replaced by Maj. Gen. George Meade during Lee's second invasion of the North, in June. Meade defeated Lee at the Battle of Gettysburg (July 1 to 3, 1863).[236] This was the bloodiest battle of the war and has been called the war's turning point. Pickett's Charge on July 3 is often considered the high-water mark of the Confederacy because it signaled the collapse of serious Confederate threats of victory. Lee's army suffered 28,000 casualties, versus Meade's 23,000.[237]

    Western theater
    Further information: Western Theater of the American Civil War
    The Western theater refers to military operations between the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River, including the states of Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Mississippi, North Carolina, Kentucky, South Carolina, and Tennessee, as well as parts of Louisiana.[238]

    Background
    Army of the Tennessee and Army of the Cumberland
     Ulysses S. Grant
    The primary Union forces in the Western theater were the Army of the Tennessee and the Army of the Cumberland, named for the two rivers, the Tennessee River and Cumberland River. After Meade's inconclusive fall campaign, Lincoln turned to the Western Theater for new leadership. At the same time, the Confederate stronghold of Vicksburg surrendered, giving the Union control of the Mississippi River, permanently isolating the western Confederacy, and producing the new leader Lincoln needed, Ulysses S. Grant.[239][citation needed]

    Army of Tennessee
    The primary Confederate force in the Western theater was the Army of Tennessee (named for the state, instead of the river). The army was formed on November 20, 1862, when General Braxton Bragg renamed the former Army of Mississippi. While the Confederate forces had numerous successes in the Eastern Theater, they were defeated many times in the West.[238]

    Battles
    The Union's key strategist and tactician in the West was Ulysses S. Grant, who won victories at Forts Henry (February 6, 1862) and Donelson (February 11 to 16, 1862), earning him the nickname of "Unconditional Surrender" Grant. With these victories the Union gained control of the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers.[240] Nathan Bedford Forrest rallied nearly 4,000 Confederate troops and led them to escape across the Cumberland. Nashville and central Tennessee thus fell to the Union, leading to attrition of local food supplies and livestock and a breakdown in social organization.[citation needed]

    Confederate general Leonidas Polk's invasion of Columbus ended Kentucky's policy of neutrality and turned it against the Confederacy. Grant used river transport and Andrew Foote's gunboats of the Western Flotilla to threaten the Confederacy's "Gibraltar of the West" at Columbus, Kentucky. Although rebuffed at Belmont, Grant cut off Columbus. The Confederates, lacking their gunboats, were forced to retreat and the Union took control of western Kentucky and opened Tennessee in March 1862.[241]

    At the Battle of Shiloh, in Shiloh, Tennessee in April 1862, the Confederates made a surprise attack that pushed Union forces against the river as night fell. Overnight, the Navy landed additional reinforcements, and Grant counterattacked. Grant and the Union won a decisive victory—the first battle with the high casualty rates that would repeat over and over.[242] The Confederates lost Albert Sidney Johnston, considered their finest general before the emergence of Lee.[243]

     The Battle of Chickamauga, the highest two-day losses
    One of the early Union objectives in the war was to capture the Mississippi River in order to cut the Confederacy in half. The Mississippi River was opened to Union traffic to the southern border of Tennessee with the taking of Island No. 10 and New Madrid, Missouri, and then Memphis, Tennessee.[244]

    In April 1862, the Union Navy captured New Orleans.[244] "The key to the river was New Orleans, the South's largest port [and] greatest industrial center."[245] U.S. Naval forces under Farragut ran past Confederate defenses south of New Orleans. Confederate forces abandoned the city, giving the Union a critical anchor in the deep South,[246] which allowed Union forces to begin moving up the Mississippi. Memphis fell to Union forces on June 6, 1862, and became a key base for further advances south along the Mississippi River. Only the fortress city of Vicksburg, Mississippi, prevented Union control of the entire river.[247]

    Bragg's second invasion of Kentucky in the Confederate Heartland Offensive included initial successes such as Kirby Smith's triumph at the Battle of Richmond and the capture of the Kentucky capital of Frankfort on September 3, 1862.[248] However, the campaign ended with a meaningless victory over Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell at the Battle of Perryville. Bragg was forced to end his attempt at invading Kentucky and retreat due to lack of logistical support and lack of infantry recruits for the Confederacy in that state.[249]

    Bragg was narrowly defeated by Maj. Gen. William Rosecrans at the Battle of Stones River in Tennessee, the culmination of the Stones River Campaign.[250]

    Naval forces assisted Grant in the long, complex Vicksburg Campaign that resulted in the Confederates surrendering at the Battle of Vicksburg in July 1863, which cemented Union control of the Mississippi River and is considered one of the turning points of the war.[251][252]

    The one clear Confederate victory in the West was the Battle of Chickamauga. After Rosecrans' successful Tullahoma Campaign, Bragg, reinforced by Lt. Gen. James Longstreet's corps (from Lee's army in the east), defeated Rosecrans, despite the heroic defensive stand of Maj. Gen. George Henry Thomas.[citation needed]

    Rosecrans retreated to Chattanooga, which Bragg then besieged in the Chattanooga Campaign. Grant marched to the relief of Rosecrans and defeated Bragg at the Third Battle of Chattanooga,[253] eventually causing Longstreet to abandon his Knoxville Campaign and driving Confederate forces out of Tennessee and opening a route to Atlanta and the heart of the Confederacy.[254]

    Trans-Mississippi theater
    Further information: Trans-Mississippi Theater of the American Civil War
    Background
    The Trans-Mississippi theater refers to military operations west of the Mississippi River, encompassing most of Missouri, Arkansas, most of Louisiana, and Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). The Trans-Mississippi District was formed by the Confederate Army to better coordinate Ben McCulloch's command of troops in Arkansas and Louisiana, Sterling Price's Missouri State Guard, as well as the portion of Earl Van Dorn's command that included the Indian Territory and excluded the Army of the West. The Union's command was the Trans-Mississippi Division, or the Military Division of West Mississippi.[255]

    Battles
     Nathaniel Lyon secured St. Louis docks and arsenal, led Union forces to expel Missouri Confederate forces and government.[256]
    The first battle of the Trans-Mississippi theater was the Battle of Wilson's Creek (August 1861). The Confederates were driven from Missouri early in the war as a result of the Battle of Pea Ridge.[257]

    Extensive guerrilla warfare characterized the trans-Mississippi region, as the Confederacy lacked the troops and the logistics to support regular armies that could challenge Union control.[258] Roving Confederate bands such as Quantrill's Raiders terrorized the countryside, striking both military installations and civilian settlements.[259] The "Sons of Liberty" and "Order of the American Knights" attacked pro-Union people, elected officeholders, and unarmed uniformed soldiers. These partisans could not be entirely driven out of the state of Missouri until an entire regular Union infantry division was engaged. By 1864, these violent activities harmed the nationwide anti-war movement organizing against the re-election of Lincoln. Missouri not only stayed in the Union, but Lincoln took 70 percent of the vote for re-election.[260]

    Numerous small-scale military actions south and west of Missouri sought to control Indian Territory and New Mexico Territory for the Union. The Battle of Glorieta Pass was the decisive battle of the New Mexico Campaign. The Union repulsed Confederate incursions into New Mexico in 1862, and the exiled Arizona government withdrew into Texas. In the Indian Territory, civil war broke out within tribes. About 12,000 Indian warriors fought for the Confederacy and smaller numbers for the Union.[261] The most prominent Cherokee was Brigadier General Stand Watie, the last Confederate general to surrender.[262]

    After the fall of Vicksburg in July 1863, General Kirby Smith in Texas was informed by Jefferson Davis that he could expect no further help from east of the Mississippi River. Although he lacked resources to beat Union armies, he built up a formidable arsenal at Tyler, along with his own Kirby Smithdom economy, a virtual "independent fiefdom" in Texas, including railroad construction and international smuggling. The Union, in turn, did not directly engage him.[263] Its 1864 Red River Campaign to take Shreveport, Louisiana, was a failure and Texas remained in Confederate hands throughout the war.[264]

    Lower Seaboard theater
    Further information: Lower seaboard theater of the American Civil War
    Background
    The Lower Seaboard theater refers to military and naval operations that occurred near the coastal areas of the Southeast (Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Texas) as well as the southern part of the Mississippi River (Port Hudson and south). Union Naval activities were dictated by the Anaconda Plan.[265]

    Battles
     New Orleans captured
    One of the earliest battles of the war was fought at Port Royal Sound (November 1861), south of Charleston. Much of the war along the South Carolina coast concentrated on capturing Charleston. In attempting to capture Charleston, the Union military tried two approaches: by land over James or Morris Islands or through the harbor. However, the Confederates were able to drive back each Union attack. One of the most famous of the land attacks was the Second Battle of Fort Wagner, in which the 54th Massachusetts Infantry took part. The Union suffered a serious defeat in this battle, losing 1,515 soldiers while the Confederates lost only 174. However, the 54th was hailed for its valor in that battle, which encouraged the general acceptance of the recruitment of African American soldiers into the Union Army, which reinforced the Union's numerical advantage.[266]

    Fort Pulaski on the Georgia coast was an early target for the Union navy. Following the capture of Port Royal, an expedition was organized with engineer troops under the command of Captain Quincy A. Gillmore, forcing a Confederate surrender. The Union army occupied the fort for the rest of the war after repairing it.[267]

    In April 1862, a Union naval task force commanded by Commander David D. Porter attacked Forts Jackson and St. Philip, which guarded the river approach to New Orleans from the south. While part of the fleet bombarded the forts, other vessels forced a break in the obstructions in the river and enabled the rest of the fleet to steam upriver to the city. A Union army force commanded by Major General Benjamin Butler landed near the forts and forced their surrender. Butler's controversial command of New Orleans earned him the nickname "Beast".[268]

    The following year, the Union Army of the Gulf commanded by Major General Nathaniel P. Banks laid siege to Port Hudson for nearly eight weeks, the longest siege in US military history. The Confederates attempted to defend with the Bayou Teche Campaign but surrendered after Vicksburg. These two surrenders gave the Union control over the entire Mississippi.[269]

    Several small skirmishes were fought in Florida, but no major battles. The biggest was the Battle of Olustee in early 1864.[citation needed]

    Pacific Coast theater
    Further information: Pacific Coast Theater of the American Civil War
    The Pacific Coast theater refers to military operations on the Pacific Ocean and in the states and Territories west of the Continental Divide.[270]

    Conquest of Virginia
     William Tecumseh Sherman
    At the beginning of 1864, Lincoln made Grant commander of all Union armies. Grant made his headquarters with the Army of the Potomac and put Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman in command of most of the western armies. Grant understood the concept of total war and believed, along with Lincoln and Sherman, that only the utter defeat of Confederate forces and their economic base would end the war.[271] This was total war not in killing civilians but rather in taking provisions and forage and destroying homes, farms, and railroads, that Grant said "would otherwise have gone to the support of secession and rebellion. This policy I believe exercised a material influence in hastening the end."[272] Grant devised a coordinated strategy that would strike at the entire Confederacy from multiple directions. Generals Meade and Benjamin Butler were ordered to move against Lee near Richmond, General Franz Sigel (and later Philip Sheridan) were to attack the Shenandoah Valley, General Sherman was to capture Atlanta and march to the sea (the Atlantic Ocean), Generals George Crook and William W. Averell were to operate against railroad supply lines in West Virginia, and Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks was to capture Mobile, Alabama.[273]

    Grant's Overland Campaign
    Grant's army set out on the Overland Campaign intending to draw Lee into a defense of Richmond, where they would attempt to pin down and destroy the Confederate army. The Union army first attempted to maneuver past Lee and fought several battles, notably at the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, and Cold Harbor. These battles resulted in heavy losses on both sides and forced Lee's Confederates to fall back repeatedly.[274] At the Battle of Yellow Tavern, the Confederates lost Jeb Stuart.[275]

    An attempt to outflank Lee from the south failed under Butler, who was trapped inside the Bermuda Hundred river bend. Each battle resulted in setbacks for the Union that mirrored those they had suffered under prior generals, though, unlike those prior generals, Grant chose to fight on rather than retreat. Grant was tenacious and kept pressing Lee's Army of Northern Virginia back to Richmond. While Lee was preparing for an attack on Richmond, Grant unexpectedly turned south to cross the James River and began the protracted Siege of Petersburg, where the two armies engaged in trench warfare for over nine months.[276]

    Sheridan's Valley Campaign
     Philip Sheridan
    Grant finally found a commander, General Philip Sheridan, aggressive enough to prevail in the Valley Campaigns of 1864. Sheridan was initially repelled at the Battle of New Market by former U.S. vice president and Confederate Gen. John C. Breckinridge. The Battle of New Market was the Confederacy's last major victory of the war and included a charge by teenage VMI cadets. After redoubling his efforts, Sheridan defeated Maj. Gen. Jubal A. Early in a series of battles, including a final decisive defeat at the Battle of Cedar Creek. Sheridan then proceeded to destroy the agricultural base of the Shenandoah Valley, a strategy similar to the tactics Sherman later employed in Georgia.[277]

    Sherman's March to the Sea
    Meanwhile, Sherman maneuvered from Chattanooga to Atlanta, defeating Confederate Generals Joseph E. Johnston and John Bell Hood along the way. The fall of Atlanta on September 2, 1864, guaranteed the reelection of Lincoln as president.[278] Hood left the Atlanta area to swing around and menace Sherman's supply lines and invade Tennessee in the Franklin–Nashville Campaign. Union Maj. Gen. John Schofield defeated Hood at the Battle of Franklin, and George H. Thomas dealt Hood a massive defeat at the Battle of Nashville, effectively destroying Hood's army.[279]

    Leaving Atlanta, and his base of supplies, Sherman's army marched, with no destination set, laying waste to about 20 percent of the farms in Georgia in his "March to the Sea". He reached the Atlantic Ocean at Savannah, Georgia, in December 1864. Sherman's army was followed by thousands of freed slaves; there were no major battles along the march. Sherman turned north through South Carolina and North Carolina to approach the Confederate Virginia lines from the south, increasing the pressure on Lee's army.[280]

    The Waterloo of the Confederacy
    Lee's army, thinned by desertion and casualties, was now much smaller than Grant's. One last Confederate attempt to break the Union hold on Petersburg failed at the decisive Battle of Five Forks (sometimes called "the Waterloo of the Confederacy") on April 1. This meant that the Union now controlled the entire perimeter surrounding Richmond-Petersburg, completely cutting it off from the Confederacy. Realizing that the capital was now lost, Lee's army and the Confederate government were forced to evacuate. The Confederate capital fell on April 2–3, to the Union XXV Corps, composed of black troops. The remaining Confederate units fled west after a defeat at Sayler's Creek on April 6.[281]

    End of the war
    Main article: Conclusion of the American Civil War
     
    This New York Times front page celebrated Lee's surrender, headlining how Grant let Confederate officers retain their sidearms and "paroled" the Confederate officers and men.[282]
     
    News of Lee's April 9 surrender reached this southern newspaper (Savannah, Georgia) on April 15—after the April 14 shooting of President Lincoln.[283] The article quotes Grant's terms of surrender.[283]
    Initially, Lee did not intend to surrender but planned to regroup at Appomattox Station, where supplies were to be waiting and then continue the war. Grant chased Lee and got in front of him so that when Lee's army reached the village of Appomattox Court House, they were surrounded. After an initial battle, Lee decided that the fight was now hopeless, and surrendered his Army of Northern Virginia to Grant on April 9, 1865, during a conference at the McLean House[284][285] In an untraditional gesture and as a sign of Grant's respect and anticipation of peacefully restoring Confederate states to the Union, Lee was permitted to keep his sword and his horse, Traveller. His men were paroled, and a chain of Confederate surrenders began.[286]

    On April 14, 1865, President Lincoln was shot by John Wilkes Booth, a Confederate sympathizer. Lincoln died early the next morning. Lincoln's vice president, Andrew Johnson, was unharmed, because his would-be assassin, George Atzerodt, lost his nerve, so Johnson was immediately sworn in as president. Meanwhile, Confederate forces across the South surrendered as news of Lee's surrender reached them.[287] On April 26, 1865, the same day Sergeant Boston Corbett killed Booth at a tobacco barn, Johnston surrendered nearly 90,000 troops of the Army of Tennessee to Sherman at Bennett Place near present-day Durham, North Carolina. It proved to be the largest surrender of Confederate forces. On May 4, all remaining Confederate forces in Alabama, Louisiana east of the Mississippi River, and Mississippi under Lieutenant General Richard Taylor surrendered.[288]

    Confederate president Davis was captured in retreat at Irwinville, Georgia on May 10, 1865.[289]

    On May 13, 1865, the last land battle of the war was fought at the Battle of Palmito Ranch in Texas.[290][291][292]

    On May 26, 1865, Confederate Lt. Gen. Simon B. Buckner, acting for Edmund Smith, signed a military convention surrendering the Confederate trans-Mississippi Department forces.[293][294] This date is often cited by contemporaries and historians as the end date of the American Civil War.[1][2] On June 2, 1865, with most of his troops having already gone home, technically deserted, a reluctant Kirby Smith had little choice but to sign the official surrender document.[295][296] On June 23, 1865, Cherokee leader and Confederate Brig. Gen. Stand Watie became the last Confederate general to surrender his forces.[297][298]

    On June 19, 1865, Union Maj. Gen. Gordon Granger announced General Order No. 3, bringing the Emancipation Proclamation into effect in Texas and freeing the last slaves of the Confederacy.[299] The anniversary of this date is now celebrated as Juneteenth.[300]

    The naval portion of the war ended more slowly. It had begun on April 11, 1865, two days after Lee's surrender, when President Lincoln proclaimed that foreign nations had no further "claim or pretense" to deny equality of maritime rights and hospitalities to U.S. warships and, in effect, that rights extended to Confederate ships to use neutral ports as safe havens from U.S. warships should end.[301][302] Having no response to Lincoln's proclamation, President Andrew Johnson issued a similar proclamation dated May 10, 1865, more directly stating the premise that the war was almost at an end ("armed resistance...may be regarded as virtually at an end") and that insurgent cruisers still at sea and prepared to attack U.S. ships should not have rights to do so through use of safe foreign ports or waters and warned nations which continued to do so that their government vessels would be denied access to U.S. ports. He also "enjoined" U.S. officers to arrest the cruisers and their crews so "that they may be prevented from committing further depredations on commerce and that the persons on board of them may no longer enjoy impunity for their crimes".[303] Britain finally responded on June 6, 1865, by transmitting a June 2, 1865 letter from Foreign Secretary John Russell, 1st Earl Russell to the Lords of the Admiralty withdrawing rights to Confederate warships to enter British ports and waters but with exceptions for a limited time to allow a captain to enter a port to "divest his vessel of her warlike character" and for U.S. ships to be detained in British ports or waters to allow Confederate cruisers twenty-four hours to leave first.[304] U.S. Secretary of State Seward welcomed the withdrawal of concessions to the Confederates but objected to the exceptions.[305] Finally, on October 18, 1865, Russell advised the Admiralty that the time specified in his June 2, 1865 message had elapsed and "all measures of a restrictive nature on vessels of war of the United States in British ports, harbors, and waters, are now to be considered as at an end".[306] Nonetheless, the final Confederate surrender was in Liverpool, England where James Iredell Waddell, the captain of CSS Shenandoah, surrendered the cruiser to British authorities on November 6, 1865.[307]

    Legally, the war did not end until August 20, 1866, when President Johnson issued a proclamation that declared "that the said insurrection is at an end and that peace, order, tranquillity, and civil authority now exist in and throughout the whole of the United States of America".[308][309][310]

    Union victory and aftermath
     Map of Confederate territory losses year by year
    The causes of the war, the reasons for its outcome, and even the name of the war itself are subjects of lingering contention today. The North and West grew rich while the once-rich South became poor for a century. The national political power of the slaveowners and rich Southerners ended. Historians are less sure about the results of the postwar Reconstruction, especially regarding the second-class citizenship of the freedmen and their poverty.[311]

    Historians have debated whether the Confederacy could have won the war. Most scholars, including James M. McPherson, argue that Confederate victory was at least possible.[312] McPherson argues that the North's advantage in population and resources made Northern victory likely but not guaranteed. He also argues that if the Confederacy had fought using unconventional tactics, it would have more easily been able to hold out long enough to exhaust the Union.[313]

    Confederates did not need to invade and hold enemy territory to win but only needed to fight a defensive war to convince the North that the cost of winning was too high. The North needed to conquer and hold vast stretches of enemy territory and defeat Confederate armies to win.[313] Lincoln was not a military dictator and could continue to fight the war only as long as the American public supported a continuation of the war. The Confederacy sought to win independence by outlasting Lincoln; however, after Atlanta fell and Lincoln defeated McClellan in the election of 1864, all hope for a political victory for the South ended. At that point, Lincoln had secured the support of the Republicans, War Democrats, the border states, emancipated slaves, and the neutrality of Britain and France. By defeating the Democrats and McClellan, he also defeated the Copperheads, who had wanted a negotiated peace with the Confederate States of America.[314]

    Comparison of Union and Confederacy, 1860–1864[315]
     
    Year
    Union
    Confederacy
    Population
    1860
    22,100,000 (71%)
    9,100,000 (29%)
    1864
    28,800,000 (90%)[g]
    3,000,000 (10%)[316]
    Free
    1860
    21,700,000 (98%)
    5,600,000 (62%)
    Slave
    1860
    490,000 (2%)
    3,550,000 (38%)
    1864
    negligible
    1,900,000[h]
    Soldiers
    1860–64
    2,100,000 (67%)
    1,064,000 (33%)
    Railroad miles
    1860
    21,800 (71%)
    8,800 (29%)
    1864
    29,100 (98%)[317]
    negligible
    Manufactures
    1860
    90%
    10%
    1864
    98%
    2%
    Arms production
    1860
    97%
    3%
    1864
    98%
    2%
    Cotton bales
    1860
    negligible
    4,500,000
    1864
    300,000
    negligible
    Exports
    1860
    30%
    70%
    1864
    98%
    2%
    Some scholars argue that the Union held an insurmountable long-term advantage over the Confederacy in industrial strength and population. Confederate actions, they argue, only delayed defeat.[318][319] Civil War historian Shelby Foote expressed this view succinctly:

    I think that the North fought that war with one hand behind its back .... If there had been more Southern victories, and a lot more, the North simply would have brought that other hand out from behind its back. I don't think the South ever had a chance to win that War.[320]
    A minority view among historians is that the Confederacy lost because, as E. Merton Coulter put it, "people did not will hard enough and long enough to win."[321][322] However, most historians reject the argument.[323] McPherson, after reading thousands of letters written by Confederate soldiers, found strong patriotism that continued to the end; they truly believed they were fighting for freedom and liberty. Even as the Confederacy was visibly collapsing in 1864–65, he says most Confederate soldiers were fighting hard.[324] Historian Gary Gallagher cites General Sherman, who in early 1864 commented, "The devils seem to have a determination that cannot but be admired." Despite their loss of slaves and wealth, with starvation looming, Sherman continued, "yet I see no sign of let-up—some few deserters—plenty tired of war, but the masses determined to fight it out."[325]

    Also important were Lincoln's eloquence in rationalizing the national purpose and his skill in keeping the border states committed to the Union cause. The Emancipation Proclamation was an effective use of the President's war powers.[326] The Confederate government failed in its attempt to get Europe involved in the war militarily, particularly Great Britain and France. Southern leaders needed to get European powers to help break up the blockade the Union had created around the Southern ports and cities. Lincoln's naval blockade was 95% effective at stopping trade goods; as a result, imports and exports to the South declined significantly. The abundance of European cotton and Britain's hostility to the institution of slavery, along with Lincoln's Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico naval blockades, severely decreased any chance that either Britain or France would enter the war.[327]

    Historian Don Doyle has argued that the Union victory had a major impact on the course of world history.[328] The Union victory energized popular democratic forces. A Confederate victory, on the other hand, would have meant a new birth of slavery, not freedom. Historian Fergus Bordewich, following Doyle, argues that:

    The North's victory decisively proved the durability of democratic government. Confederate independence, on the other hand, would have established an American model for reactionary politics and race-based repression that would likely have cast an international shadow into the twentieth century and perhaps beyond."[329]
    Scholars have debated what the effects of the war were on political and economic power in the South.[330] The prevailing view is that the southern planter elite retained its powerful position in the South.[330] However, a 2017 study challenges this, noting that while some Southern elites retained their economic status, the turmoil of the 1860s created greater opportunities for economic mobility in the South than in the North.[330]

    Casualties
     
    One in thirteen veterans were amputees.
     
    Remains of both sides were reinterred.
     
    Andersonville National Cemetery, Georgia
    The war resulted in at least 1,030,000 casualties (3 percent of the population), including about 620,000 soldier deaths—two-thirds by disease—and 50,000 civilians.[11] Binghamton University historian J. David Hacker believes the number of soldier deaths was approximately 750,000, 20 percent higher than traditionally estimated, and possibly as high as 850,000.[331][14] A novel way of calculating casualties by looking at the deviation of the death rate of men of fighting age from the norm through analysis of census data found that at least 627,000 and at most 888,000 people, but most likely 761,000 people, died in the war.[332] As historian McPherson notes, the war's "cost in American lives was as great as in all of the nation's other wars combined through Vietnam."[333]

    Based on 1860 census figures, 8 percent of all white men aged 13 to 43 died in the war, including 6 percent in the North and 18 percent in the South.[334][335] About 56,000 soldiers died in prison camps during the War.[336] An estimated 60,000 soldiers lost limbs in the war.[337]

    Of the 359,528 Union Army dead, amounting to 15 percent of the over two million who served:[7]

    110,070 were killed in action (67,000) or died of wounds (43,000).
    199,790 died of disease (75 percent was due to the war, the remainder would have occurred in civilian life anyway)
    24,866 died in Confederate prison camps
    9,058 were killed by accidents or drowning
    15,741 other/unknown deaths
    In addition, there were 4,523 deaths in the Navy (2,112 in battle) and 460 in the Marines (148 in battle).[8]

    After the Emancipation Proclamation authorized freed slaves to "be received into the armed service of the United States", former slaves who escaped from plantations or were liberated by the Union Army were recruited into the United States Colored Troops regiments of the Union Army, as were black men who had not been slaves. The U.S. Colored Troops made up 10 percent of the Union death toll—15 percent of Union deaths from disease and less than 3 percent of those killed in battle.[7] Losses among African Americans were high. In the last year and a half and from all reported casualties, approximately 20 percent of all African Americans enrolled in the military died during the Civil War. Notably, their mortality rate was significantly higher than that of white soldiers. While 15.2% of United States Volunteers and just 8.6% of white Regular Army troops died, 20.5% of United States Colored Troops died.[338]: 16 

    The United States National Park Service uses the following figures in its official tally of war losses:[3]

    Union
    Casualties
    Category
    Number
    Killed in action
    110,100
    Disease
    224,580
    Wounded in action
    275,154
    Captured
    211,411 (including 30,192 who died as POWs)
    Total
    821,245
    Confederate
    Casualties
    Category
    Number
    Killed in action
    94,000
    Disease
    164,000
    Wounded in action
    194,026
    Captured
    462,634 (including 31,000 who died as POWs)
    Total
    914,660
     An illustration of the war dead following the Battle of Antietam battlefield in 1862
    While the figures of 360,000 army deaths for the Union and 260,000 for the Confederacy remained commonly cited, they are incomplete. In addition to many Confederate records being missing, partly as a result of Confederate widows not reporting deaths due to being ineligible for benefits, both armies only counted troops who died during their service and not the tens of thousands who died of wounds or diseases after being discharged. This often happened only a few days or weeks later. Francis Amasa Walker, superintendent of the 1870 census, used census and surgeon general data to estimate a minimum of 500,000 Union military deaths and 350,000 Confederate military deaths, for a total death toll of 850,000 soldiers. While Walker's estimates were originally dismissed because of the 1870 census's undercounting, it was later found that the census was only off by 6.5% and that the data Walker used would be roughly accurate.[14]

    Analyzing the number of dead by using census data to calculate the deviation of the death rate of men of fighting age from the norm suggests that at least 627,000 and at most 888,000, but most likely 761,000 soldiers, died in the war.[332] This would break down to approximately 350,000 Confederate and 411,000 Union military deaths, going by the proportion of Union to Confederate battle losses.[citation needed]

    Deaths among former slaves has proven much harder to estimate, due to the lack of reliable census data at the time, though they were known to be considerable, as former slaves were set free or escaped in massive numbers in areas where the Union army did not have sufficient shelter, doctors, or food for them. University of Connecticut Professor Jim Downs states that tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands of slaves died during the war from disease, starvation, or exposure, and that if these deaths are counted in the war's total, the death toll would exceed 1 million.[339]

    It is estimated that during the Civil War, of the equines killed, including horses, mules, donkeys and even confiscated children's ponies, over 32,600 of them belonged to the Union Army and 45,800 the Confederacy. However, other estimates place the total equine loss at 1,000,000.[340]

    It is estimated that 544 Confederate flags were captured during the Civil War by the Union. The flags were sent to the War Department in Washington.[341][342] The Union flags captured by the Confederates were sent to Richmond.

    Losses were far higher than during the recent war with Mexico, which saw roughly thirteen thousand American deaths, including fewer than two thousand killed in battle, between 1846 and 1848. One reason for the high number of battle deaths during the war was the continued use of tactics similar to those of the Napoleonic Wars at the turn of the century, such as charging. With the advent of more accurate rifled barrels, Minié balls, and (near the end of the war for the Union army) repeating firearms such as the Spencer repeating rifle and the Henry repeating rifle, soldiers were mowed down when standing in lines in the open. This led to the adoption of trench warfare, a style of fighting that defined much of World War I.[343]

    Emancipation
     Abolition of slavery in the various states of the United States over time:  Abolition of slavery during or shortly after the American Revolution
      The Northwest Ordinance, 1787
      Gradual emancipation in New York (starting 1799, completed 1827) and New Jersey (starting 1804, completed by Thirteenth Amendment, 1865)
      The Missouri Compromise, 1821
      Effective abolition of slavery by Mexican or joint US/British authority
      Abolition of slavery by Congressional action, 1861
      Abolition of slavery by Congressional action, 1862
      Emancipation Proclamation as originally issued, January 1, 1863
      Subsequent operation of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863
      Abolition of slavery by state action during the Civil War
      Operation of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1864
      Operation of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1865
      Thirteenth Amendment to the US constitution, December 18, 1865
      Territory incorporated into the US after the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment
    Abolishing slavery was not a Union war goal from the outset, but it quickly became one.[24] Lincoln's initial claims were that preserving the Union was the central goal of the war.[344] In contrast, the South saw itself as fighting to preserve slavery.[24] While not all Southerners saw themselves as fighting for slavery, most of the officers and over a third of the rank and file in Lee's army had close family ties to slavery. To Northerners, in contrast, the motivation was primarily to preserve the Union, not to abolish slavery.[345] However, as the war dragged on, and it became clear that slavery was central to the conflict, and that emancipation was (to quote from the Emancipation Proclamation) "a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing [the] rebellion," Lincoln and his cabinet made ending slavery a war goal, culminating in the Emancipation Proclamation.[24][346] Lincoln's decision to issue the Emancipation Proclamation angered both Peace Democrats ("Copperheads") and War Democrats, but energized most Republicans.[346] By warning that free blacks would flood the North, Democrats made gains in the 1862 elections, but they did not gain control of Congress. The Republicans' counterargument that slavery was the mainstay of the enemy steadily gained support, with the Democrats losing decisively in the 1863 elections in the Northern state of Ohio when they tried to resurrect anti-black sentiment.[347]

    Emancipation Proclamation
    Main article: Emancipation Proclamation
    Slavery for the Confederacy's 3.5 million blacks effectively ended in each area when Union armies arrived; they were nearly all freed by the Emancipation Proclamation. The last Confederate slaves were freed on June 19, 1865, celebrated as the modern holiday of Juneteenth. Slaves in the border states and those located in some former Confederate territory occupied before the Emancipation Proclamation were freed by state action or (on December 6, 1865) by the Thirteenth Amendment.[348][349] The Emancipation Proclamation enabled African Americans, both free blacks and escaped slaves, to join the Union Army. About 190,000 volunteered, further enhancing the numerical advantage the Union armies enjoyed over the Confederates, who did not dare emulate the equivalent manpower source for fear of fundamentally undermining the legitimacy of slavery.[i]

    During the Civil War, sentiment concerning slaves, enslavement, and emancipation in the United States was divided. Lincoln's fears of making slavery a war issue were based on a harsh reality: abolition did not enjoy wide support in the west, the territories, and the border states.[351][352] In 1861, Lincoln worried that premature attempts at emancipation would mean the loss of the border states, and that "to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game."[352] Copperheads and some War Democrats opposed emancipation, although the latter eventually accepted it as part of the total war needed to save the Union.[353]

    At first, Lincoln reversed attempts at emancipation by Secretary of War Simon Cameron and Generals Frémont (in Missouri) and David Hunter (in South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida) to keep the loyalty of the border states and the War Democrats. Lincoln warned the border states that a more radical type of emancipation would happen if his plan of gradual compensated emancipation and voluntary colonization was rejected.[354] But compensated emancipation occurred only in the District of Columbia, where Congress had the power to enact it. When Lincoln told his cabinet about his proposed emancipation proclamation, which would apply to the states still in rebellion on January 1, 1863, Seward advised Lincoln to wait for a Union military victory before issuing it, as to do otherwise would seem like "our last shriek on the retreat".[355] Walter Stahr, however, writes, "There are contemporary sources, however, that suggest others were involved in the decision to delay", and Stahr quotes them.[356]

     
    Contrabands, who were fugitive slaves, including cooks, laundresses, laborers, teamsters, railroad repair crews, fled to the Union Army, but were not legally freed until the Emancipation Proclamation, which Lincoln signed on January 1, 1863, more than two years before the end of the Civil War.
     
    In 1863, the Union Army accepted Freedmen; seen here are Black and White teen-aged soldiers who volunteered to fight for the Union.
    Lincoln laid the groundwork for public support in an open letter published in response to Horace Greeley's "The Prayer of Twenty Millions".[357][358][359] He also laid the groundwork at a meeting at the White House with five African American representatives on August 14, 1862. Arranging for a reporter to be present, he urged his visitors to agree to the voluntary colonization of black people, apparently to make his forthcoming preliminary Emancipation Proclamation more palatable to racist white people.[360] A Union victory in the Battle of Antietam on September 17, 1862, provided Lincoln with an opportunity to issue the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, and the subsequent War Governors' Conference added support for the proclamation.[361]

    Lincoln issued his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on September 22, 1862. It stated that the slaves in all states in rebellion on January 1, 1863, would be free. He issued his final Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, keeping his promise. In his letter to Albert G. Hodges, Lincoln explained his belief that "If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong .... And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling .... I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me."[362][j]

    Lincoln's moderate approach succeeded in inducing the border states to remain in the Union and War Democrats to support the Union. The border states, which included Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Delaware, and Union-controlled regions around New Orleans, Norfolk, Virginia, and elsewhere, were not covered by the Emancipation Proclamation. Nor was Tennessee, which had come under Union control.[364] Missouri and Maryland abolished slavery on their own; Kentucky and Delaware did not.[365] Still, the proclamation did not enjoy universal support. It caused much unrest in what were then considered western states, where racist sentiments led to a great fear of abolition. There was some concern that the proclamation would lead to the secession of western states, and its issuance prompted the stationing of Union troops in Illinois in case of rebellion.[366]

    Since the Emancipation Proclamation was based on the President's war powers, it applied only in territory held by Confederates at the time it was issued. However, the Proclamation became a symbol of the Union's growing commitment to add emancipation to the Union's definition of liberty.[367] The Emancipation Proclamation greatly reduced the Confederacy's hope of being recognized or otherwise aided by Britain or France.[368] By late 1864, Lincoln was playing a leading role in getting the House of Representatives to vote for the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which mandated the ending of chattel slavery.[369]

    Reconstruction
    Main article: Reconstruction era
     Through the supervision of the Freedmen's Bureau, Northern teachers traveled into the South to provide education and training for the newly freed population.
    The war devastated the South and posed serious questions of how the South would be reintegrated into the Union. The war destroyed much of the wealth that had existed in the South, in part because wealth held in enslaved people (valued at a minimum of $1,000 each for a healthy adult prior to the war) was wiped off the books.[370] All accumulated investment in Confederate bonds was forfeited; most banks and railroads were bankrupt. The income per capita in the South dropped to less than 40 percent of that of the North, an economic condition that lasted into the 20th century. Southern influence in the federal government, previously considerable, was greatly diminished until the latter half of the 20th century.[371] Reconstruction began during the war, with the Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, and it continued until 1877.[372] It comprised multiple complex methods to resolve the outstanding issues of the war's aftermath, the most important of which were the three "Reconstruction Amendments" to the Constitution: the 13th outlawing slavery (1865), the 14th guaranteeing citizenship to former slaves (1868), and the 15th ensuring voting rights to former male slaves (1870). From the Union perspective, the goals of Reconstruction were to consolidate the Union victory on the battlefield by reuniting the Union, to guarantee a "republican form of government" for the ex-Confederate states, and to permanently end slavery—and prevent semi-slavery status.[373]

    President Johnson, who took office on April 15, 1865, took a lenient approach and saw the achievement of the main war goals as realized in 1865 when each ex-rebel state repudiated secession and ratified the Thirteenth Amendment. Radical Republicans demanded proof that Confederate nationalism was dead and that the slaves were truly free. They overrode Johnson's vetoes of civil rights legislation, and the House impeached him, although the Senate did not convict him. In 1868 and 1872, the Republican candidate Grant won the presidency. In 1872, the "Liberal Republicans" argued that the war goals had been achieved and that Reconstruction should end. They chose Horace Greeley to head a presidential ticket in 1872 but were decisively defeated. In 1874, Democrats, primarily Southern, took control of Congress and opposed further reconstruction. The Compromise of 1877 closed with a national consensus, except perhaps on the part of former slaves, that the Civil War had finally ended.[374] With the withdrawal of federal troops, however, whites retook control of every Southern legislature, and the Jim Crow era of disenfranchisement and legal segregation was ushered in.[375]

    The Civil War had a demonstrable impact on American politics in the years to come. Many veterans on both sides were subsequently elected to political office, including five U.S. Presidents: General Ulysses Grant, Rutherford B. Hayes, James Garfield, Benjamin Harrison, and William McKinley.[376]

    Memory and historiography
     
    Monument to the Grand Army of the Republic, a Union veteran organization
     
    Cherokee Confederates reunion in New Orleans in 1903
    The Civil War is one of the central events in American collective memory. There are innumerable statues, commemorations, books, and archival collections. The memory includes the home front, military affairs, the treatment of soldiers, both living and dead, in the war's aftermath, depictions of the war in literature and art, evaluations of heroes and villains, and considerations of the moral and political lessons of the war.[377] The last theme includes moral evaluations of racism and slavery, heroism in combat and heroism behind the lines, and issues of democracy and minority rights, as well as the notion of an "Empire of Liberty" influencing the world.[378]

    Professional historians have paid much more attention to the causes of the war than to the war itself. Military history has largely developed outside academia, leading to a proliferation of studies by non-scholars who nevertheless are familiar with the primary sources and pay close attention to battles and campaigns and who write for the general public. Bruce Catton and Shelby Foote are among the best known.[379][380] Practically every major figure in the war, both North and South, has had a serious biographical study.[381]

    Even the name used for the conflict has been controversial, with many names for the American Civil War. During and immediately after the war, Northern historians often used a term like "War of the Rebellion". Writers in rebel states often referred to the "War for Southern Independence". More recently, some Southerners have described it as the "War of Northern Aggression".[382]

    Lost Cause
    Main article: Lost Cause of the Confederacy
    The memory of the war in the white South crystallized in the myth of the "Lost Cause": that the Confederate cause was just and heroic. The myth shaped regional identity and race relations for generations.[383] Alan T. Nolan notes that the Lost Cause was expressly a rationalization, a cover-up to vindicate the name and fame of those in rebellion. Some claims revolve around the insignificance of slavery as a cause of the war; some appeals highlight cultural differences between North and South; the military conflict by Confederate actors is idealized; in any case, secession was said to be lawful.[384] Nolan argues that the adoption of the Lost Cause perspective facilitated the reunification of the North and the South while excusing the "virulent racism" of the 19th century, sacrificing black American progress to white man's reunification. He also deems the Lost Cause "a caricature of the truth. This caricature wholly misrepresents and distorts the facts of the matter" in every instance.[385] The Lost Cause myth was formalized by Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, whose The Rise of American Civilization (1927) spawned "Beardian historiography". The Beards downplayed slavery, abolitionism, and issues of morality. Though this interpretation was abandoned by the Beards in the 1940s, and by historians generally by the 1950s, Beardian themes still echo among Lost Cause writers.[386][387][additional citation(s) needed]

    Battlefield preservation
    Main article: American Civil War battlefield preservation
     Beginning in 1961, the U.S. Post Office released commemorative stamps for five famous battles, each issued on the 100th anniversary of the respective battle.
    The first efforts at Civil War battlefield preservation and memorialization came during the war itself with the establishment of National Cemeteries at Gettysburg, Mill Springs and Chattanooga. Soldiers began erecting markers on battlefields beginning with the First Battle of Bull Run in July 1861. The oldest surviving monument is the Hazen Brigade Monument near Murfreesboro in Central Tennessee, built in the summer of 1863 by soldiers in Union Col. William B. Hazen's brigade to mark the spot where they buried their dead following the Battle of Stones River.[388]

    In the 1890s, the U.S. government established five Civil War battlefield parks under the jurisdiction of the War Department, beginning with the creation of the Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park at Fort Oglethorpe, Georgia, and the Antietam National Battlefield in Sharpsburg, Maryland, in 1890. The Shiloh National Military Park was established in 1894 in Shiloh, Tennessee, followed by the Gettysburg National Military Park in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania in 1895, and Vicksburg National Military Park in Vicksburg, Mississippi, in 1899.

    In 1933, these five parks and other national monuments were transferred to the jurisdiction of the National Park Service.[389] Chief among modern efforts to preserve Civil War sites has been the American Battlefield Trust, with more than 130 battlefields in 24 states.[390][391] The five major Civil War battlefield parks operated by the National Park Service (Gettysburg, Antietam, Shiloh, Chickamauga/Chattanooga and Vicksburg) had a combined 3.1 million visitors in 2018, down 70% from 10.2 million in 1970.[392]

    Civil War commemoration
    Further information: Commemoration of the American Civil War and Commemoration of the American Civil War on postage stamps
     
     
    Top: Grand Army of the Republic (Union)
    Bottom: United Confederate Veterans
    The American Civil War has been commemorated in many capacities, ranging from the reenactment of battles to statues and memorial halls erected, to films being produced, to stamps and coins with Civil War themes being issued, all of which helped to shape public memory. These commemorations occurred in greater numbers on the 100th and 150th anniversaries of the war.[393] Hollywood's take on the war has been especially influential in shaping public memory, as in such film classics as The Birth of a Nation (1915), Gone with the Wind (1939), and Lincoln (2012). Ken Burns's PBS television series The Civil War (1990) is especially well-remembered, though criticized for its historical inaccuracy.[394][395]

    Technological significance
    Numerous technological innovations during the Civil War had a great impact on 19th-century science. The Civil War was one of the earliest examples of an "industrial war", in which technological might is used to achieve military supremacy in a war.[396] New inventions, such as the train and telegraph, delivered soldiers, supplies and messages at a time when horses were considered to be the fastest way to travel.[397][398] It was also in this war that aerial warfare, in the form of reconnaissance balloons, was first used.[399] It saw the first action involving steam-powered ironclad warships in naval warfare history.[400] Repeating firearms such as the Henry rifle, Spencer rifle, Colt revolving rifle, Triplett & Scott carbine and others, first appeared during the Civil War; they were a revolutionary invention that would soon replace muzzle-loading and single-shot firearms in warfare. The war also saw the first appearances of rapid-firing weapons and machine guns such as the Agar gun and the Gatling gun.[401]

    In works of culture and art
     Woodblock etching (note the faint lines where smaller blocks meet to form the larger image) depicting a foundering Confederacy and the upcoming 1864 U.S. presidential election ("The Forlorn Hope—the ship Secession is on the breakers, the Chicago wreckers rushing to the rescue" by Theodore Jones, Harper's Weekly, October 29, 1864)
    The Civil War is one of the most studied events in American history, and the collection of cultural works around it is enormous.[402] This section gives an abbreviated overview of the most notable works.

    Literature
    When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard Bloom'd and O Captain! My Captain! (1865) by Walt Whitman, famous eulogies to Lincoln
    Battle-Pieces and Aspects of the War (1866) poetry by Herman Melville
    The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government (1881) by Jefferson Davis
    The Private History of a Campaign That Failed (1885) by Mark Twain
    Texar's Revenge, or, North Against South (1887) by Jules Verne
    An Occurrence at Owl Creek Bridge (1890) by Ambrose Bierce
    The Red Badge of Courage (1895) by Stephen Crane
    The Challenge to Sirius (1917) by Sheila Kaye-Smith
    Gone with the Wind (1936) by Margaret Mitchell
    North and South (1982) by John Jakes
    The March: A Novel (2005) by E. L. Doctorow, fictionalized account of Sherman's March to the Sea
    Film
    The Birth of a Nation (1915, US)
    The General (1926, US)
    Operator 13 (1934, US)
    Gone with the Wind (1939, US)
    The Red Badge of Courage (1951, US)
    The Horse Soldiers (1959, US)
    Shenandoah (1965, US)
    The Good, the Bad and the Ugly (1966, Italy-Spain-FRG)
    The Beguiled (1971, US)
    The Outlaw Josey Wales (1976, US)
    Glory (1989, US)
    The Civil War (1990, US)
    Gettysburg (1993, US)
    The Last Outlaw (1993, US)
    Cold Mountain (2003, US)
    Gods and Generals (2003, US)
    North and South (miniseries; 1985–1994, US)
    Lincoln (2012, US)
    Free State of Jones (2016, US)
    Music
    See also: Music of the American Civil War
    "Dixie"
    "Battle Cry of Freedom"
    "Battle Hymn of the Republic"
    "The Bonnie Blue Flag"
    "John Brown's Body"
    "When Johnny Comes Marching Home"
    "Marching Through Georgia"
    "The Night They Drove Old Dixie Down"
    Video games
    North & South (1989, FR)
    Sid Meier's Gettysburg! (1997, US)
    Sid Meier's Antietam! (1999, US)
    American Conquest: Divided Nation (2006, US)
    Forge of Freedom: The American Civil War (2006, US)
    The History Channel: Civil War – A Nation Divided (2006, US)
    Ageod's American Civil War (2007, US/FR)
    History Civil War: Secret Missions (2008, US)
    Call of Juarez: Bound in Blood (2009, US)
    Darkest of Days (2009, US)
    Victoria II: A House Divided (2011, US)
    Ageod's American Civil War II (2013, US/FR)
    Ultimate General: Gettysburg (2014, UKR)
    Ultimate General: Civil War (2016, UKR)
    War of Rights (TBD, US)
     
    See also
     
    This "see also" section may contain an excessive number of entries. Please ensure that only the most relevant links are given, that they are not red links, and that any links are not already in this article. (April 2024) (Learn how and when to remove this message)
    Outline of the American Civil War
    Union
    Presidency of Abraham Lincoln
    Uniforms of the Union Army
    Confederacy
    Central Confederacy
    Uniforms of the Confederate States Armed Forces
    Ethnic and racial groups
    African Americans in the American Civil War
    German Americans in the American Civil War
    Irish Americans in the American Civil War
    Italian Americans in the American Civil War
    Native Americans in the American Civil War
    Topical articles
    Commemoration of the American Civil War
    Commemoration of the American Civil War on postage stamps
    Education of freed people during the Civil War
    History of espionage § American Civil War 1861–1865Spies in the American Civil War
    Gender issues in the American Civil War
    Infantry in the American Civil War
    List of ships captured in the 19th century § American Civil War
    Slavery during the American Civil War
    National articles
    Canada in the American Civil War
    Foreign enlistment in the American Civil War
    Prussia in the American Civil War
    United Kingdom in the American Civil War
    State articles
    Category:American Civil War by state
    Category:Populated places destroyed during the American Civil War
    Memorials
    List of Confederate monuments and memorials
    List of memorials and monuments at Arlington National Cemetery
    List of memorials to Jefferson Davis
    List of memorials to Robert E. Lee
    List of memorials to Stonewall Jackson
    List of monuments erected by the United Daughters of the Confederacy
    List of monuments of the Gettysburg Battlefield
    List of Union Civil War monuments and memorials
    Memorials to Abraham Lincoln
    Removal of Confederate monuments and memorials
    Other topics
    American Civil War Corps Badges
    List of costliest American Civil War land battles
    List of weapons in the American Civil War
    Other civil wars in modern history
    Main article: List of civil wars
    Chinese Civil War
    Finnish Civil War
    Mexican Revolution
    Russian Civil War
    Spanish Civil War
    Taiping Rebellion, in China
     
    Notes
    ^ See also Conclusion of the American Civil War and American Civil War#End of the war
    ^ Jump up to:a b Total number that served
    ^ 211,411 Union soldiers were captured, and 30,218 died in prison. The ones who died have been excluded to prevent double-counting of casualties.
    ^ 462,634 Confederate soldiers were captured and 25,976 died in prison. The ones who died have been excluded to prevent double-counting of casualties.
    ^ The Union was the U.S. government and included the states that remained loyal to it, both the non-slave states and the border states (Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware) where slavery was legal. Missouri and Kentucky were also claimed by the Confederacy and given full state delegations in the Confederate Congress for the duration of the war.
    ^ Assuming Union and Confederate casualties are counted together—more Americans were killed in World War II than in either the Union or Confederate Armies if their casualty totals are counted separately.
    ^ "Union population 1864" aggregates 1860 population, average annual immigration 1855–1864, and population governed formerly by CSA per Kenneth Martis source. Contrabands and after the Emancipation Proclamation freedmen, migrating into Union control on the coasts and to the advancing armies, and natural increase are excluded.
    ^ "Slave 1864, CSA" aggregates 1860 slave census of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia and Texas. It omits losses from contraband and after the Emancipation Proclamation, freedmen migrating to the Union controlled coastal ports and those joining advancing Union armies, especially in the Mississippi Valley.
    ^ In spite of the South's shortage of soldiers, most Southern leaders—until 1865—opposed enlisting slaves. They used them as laborers to support the war effort. As Howell Cobb said, "If slaves will make good soldiers our whole theory of slavery is wrong." Confederate generals Patrick Cleburne and Robert E. Lee argued in favor of arming blacks late in the war, and Jefferson Davis was eventually persuaded to support plans for arming slaves to avoid military defeat. The Confederacy surrendered at Appomattox before this plan could be implemented.[350]
    ^ In late March 1864 Lincoln met with Governor Bramlette, Archibald Dixon, and Albert G. Hodges, to discuss recruitment of African American soldiers in the state of Kentucky. In a letter dated April 4, 1864, Lincoln summarized his stance on slavery, at Hodges' request.[363]
    References
    ^ Jump up to:a b Blair, William A. (2015). "Finding the Ending of America's Civil War". The American Historical Review. 120 (5). Oxford University Press: 1753–1766. doi:10.1093/ahr/120.5.1753. JSTOR 43697075. Retrieved July 29, 2022. Pennsylvania State University Professor William A. Blair wrote at pages 313–14: "the sheer weight of scholarship has leaned toward portraying the surrenders of the Confederate armies as the end of the war."; The New York Times: "End of the Rebellion; The Last Rebel Army Disbands. Kirby Smith Surrenders the Land and Naval Forces Under His Command. The Confederate Flag Disappears from the Continent. The Era of Peace Begins. Military Prisoners During the War to be Discharged. Deserters to be Released from Confinement. [Official.] From Secretary Stanton to Gen. Dix". The New York Times. United States Department of War. May 29, 1865. Retrieved July 29, 2022.; United States Civil War Centennial Commission Robertson, James I. Jr. (1963). The Civil War. Washington, D.C.: Civil War Centennial Commission. OCLC 299955768. At p. 31, Professor James I. Robertson Jr. of Virginia Tech University and Executive Director of the U. S. Civil War Centennial Commission wrote, "Lee's surrender left Johnston with no place to go. On April 26, near Durham, N. C., the Army of Tennessee laid down its arms before Sherman's forces. With the surrender of isolated forces in the Trans-Mississippi West on May 4, 11, and 26, the most costly war in American history came to an end."
    ^ Jump up to:a b Among the many other contemporary sources and later historians citing May 26, 1865, the date that the surrender of the last significant Confederate force in the trans-Mississippi department was agreed upon, or citing simply the surrender of the Confederate armies, as the end date for the American Civil War hostilities are George Templeton Strong, who was a prominent New York lawyer; a founder, treasurer, and member of the Executive Committee of United States Sanitary Commission throughout the war; and a diarist. A diary excerpt is published in Gienapp, William E., ed. The Civil War and Reconstruction: A Documentary Collection. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2001, pp. 313–314 ISBN 978-0-393-97555-0. A footnote in Gienapp shows the excerpt was taken from an edited version of the diaries by Allan Nevins and Milton Halsey Thomas, eds., The Diary of George Templeton Strong, vol. 2 (New York: The McMillan Company), pp. 600–601, which differs from the volume and page numbers of the original diaries; the actual diary is shown at https://digitalcollections.nyhistory.org/islandora/object/nyhs%3A55249 Archived November 16, 2022, at the Wayback Machine, the page in Strong's original handwriting is shown at that web page, it is Volume 4, pp. 124–125: diary entries for May 23 (continued)-June 7, 1865 of the original diaries; Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States, 1860–'65. Volume II. Hartford: O. D. Case & Company, 1866. OCLC 936872302. p. 757: "Though the war on land ceased, and the Confederate flag utterly disappeared from this continent with the collapse and dispersion of Kirby Smith's command...."; John William Draper, History of the American Civil War. [1] Volume 3. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1870. OCLC 830251756. Retrievfootnoed July 28, 2022. p. 618: "On the 26th of the same month General Kirby Smith surrendered his entire command west of the Mississippi to General Canby. With this, all military opposition to the government ended."; Jefferson Davis. The Rise And Fall Of The Confederate Government. Volume II. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1881. OCLC 1249017603. p. 630: "With General E. K. Smith's surrender the Confederate flag no longer floated on the land; p. 663: "When the Confederate soldiers laid down their arms and went home, all hostilities against the power of the Government of the United States ceased."; Ulysses S. Grant Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant. Volume 2. [2] New York: Charles L. Webster & Company, 1886. OCLC 255136538. p. 522: "General E. Kirby Smith surrendered the trans-Mississippi department on the 26th of May, leaving no other Confederate army at liberty to continue the war."; Frederick H. Dyer A compendium of the War of the Rebellion. [3] Des Moines, IA: Dyer Publishing Co., 1908. OCLC 8697590. Full entry on last Table of Contents page (unnumbered on download): "Alphabetical Index of Campaigns, Battles, Engagements, Actions, Combats, Sieges, Skirmishes, Reconnaissances, Scouts and Other Military Events Connected with the "War of the Rebellion" During the Period of Actual Hostilities, From April 12, 1861, to May 26, 1865"; Nathaniel W. Stephenson, The Day of the Confederacy, A Chronicle of the Embattled South, Volume 30 in The Chronicles Of America Series. [4] New Haven: Yale University Press; Toronto: Glasgow, Brook & Co.; London: Oxford University Press, 1919. p. 202: "The surrender of the forces of the Trans-Mississippi on May 26, 1865, brought the war to a definite conclusion."; Bruce Catton. The Centennial History of the Civil War. Vol. 3, Never Call Retreat. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1965. p. 445. "and on May 26 he [E. Kirby Smith] surrendered and the war was over"; and Gary W. Gallagher, Stephen D. Engle, Robert K. Krick & Joseph T. Glatthaar, foreword by James M. McPherson. The American Civil War: This Mighty Scourge of War. New York: Osprey Publishing, Ltd., 2003 ISBN 978-1-84176-736-9. p. 308: "By 26 May, General Edward Kirby Smith had surrendered the Rebel forces in the trans-Mississippi west. The war was over."
    ^ Jump up to:a b c d "Facts". National Park Service.
    ^ "Size of the Union Army in the American Civil War" Archived April 16, 2017, at the Wayback Machine: Of which 131,000 were in the Navy and Marines, 140,000 were garrison troops and home defense militia, and 427,000 were in the field army.
    ^ Long 1971, p. 705.
    ^ "The war of the rebellion: a compilation of the official records of the Union and Confederate armies; Series 4 – Volume 2" Archived July 25, 2017, at the Wayback Machine, United States War Dept., 1900.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Fox, William F. Regimental losses in the American Civil War Archived May 25, 2017, at the Wayback Machine (1889).
    ^ Jump up to:a b c d "DCAS Reports – Principal Wars, 1775–1991". dcas.dmdc.osd.mil.
    ^ Chambers & Anderson 1999, p. 849.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Rhodes, James Ford (1893). History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850. Harvard University. New York, Harper & Bros. pp. 507–508.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Nofi, Al (June 13, 2001). "Statistics on the War's Costs". Louisiana State University. Archived from the original on July 11, 2007. Retrieved October 14, 2007.
    ^ James Downs, "Colorblindness in the demographic death toll of the Civil War" Archived January 19, 2018, at the Wayback Machine. Oxford University Press blog, April 13, 2012. "The rough 19th century estimate was that 60,000 former slaves died from the epidemic, but doctors treating black patients often claimed that they were unable to keep accurate records due to demands on their time and the lack of manpower and resources. The surviving records only include the number of black patients whom doctors encountered; tens of thousands of other slaves had no contact with army doctors, leaving no records of their deaths." 60,000 documented plus 'tens of thousands' undocumented gives a minimum of 80,000 slave deaths.
    ^ Toward a Social History of the American Civil War Exploratory Essays, Cambridge University Press, 1990, p. 4.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c Hacker, J. David (September 20, 2011). "Recounting the Dead". The New York Times. Associated Press. Archived from the original on September 25, 2011. Retrieved September 22, 2011.
    ^ James Downs, "Colorblindness in the demographic death toll of the Civil War" Archived January 19, 2018, at the Wayback Machine. Oxford University Press blog, April 13, 2012. "An 2 April 2012 New York Times article, 'New Estimate Raises Civil War Death Toll', reports that a new study ratchets up the death toll from an estimated 650,000 to a staggering 850,000 people. As horrific as this new number is, it fails to reflect the mortality of former slaves during the war. If former slaves were included in this figure, the Civil War death toll would likely be over a million casualties ...".
    ^ Jump up to:a b "The Declaration of Causes of Seceding States. Primary Sources". American Battlefield Trust. 2023. Retrieved December 30, 2023.
    ^ "[B]y the dawn of the twenty-first century, a broad consensus regarding Civil War causation clearly reigned. Few mainstream scholars would deny that Abraham Lincoln got it right in his second inaugural address—that slavery was 'somehow' the cause of the war". Woods, Michael E., "What Twenty-First-Century Historians Have Said about the Causes of Disunion: A Civil War Sesquicentennial Review of the Recent Literature", The Journal of American History, Vol. 99, issue 2 (September 2012).
    ^ Brian Holden-Reid, The Origins of the American Civil War (Origins Of Modern Wars) (1996), p. 5.
    ^ "[I]n 1854, the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act ... overturned the policy of containment [of slavery] and effectively unlocked the gates of the Western territories (including both the old Louisiana Purchase lands and the Mexican Cession) to the legal expansion of slavery...." Guelzo, Allen C., Abraham Lincoln as a Man of Ideas, Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press (2009), p. 80.
    ^ Freehling, William W. (2008). The Road to Disunion: Secessionists Triumphant, 1854–1861. Oxford University Press. pp. 9–24. ISBN 978-0-19-983991-9. Martis, Kenneth C. (1989). Historical Atlas of Political Parties in the United States Congress: 1789–1988. Simon & Schuster Books For Young Readers. pp. 111–115. ISBN 978-0-02-920170-1. and Foner, Eric (1980). Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War. Oxford University Press. pp. 18–20, 21–24. ISBN 978-0-19-972708-7.
    ^ Coates, Ta-Nehisi (June 22, 2015). "What This Cruel War Was Over". The Atlantic. Retrieved December 21, 2016.
    ^ White, Ronald C. Jr. (2006). Lincoln's Greatest Speech: The Second Inaugural. Simon and Schuster. p. 81. ISBN 978-0-7432-9962-6.
    ^ Gallagher, Gary (February 21, 2011). Remembering the Civil War (Speech). Sesquicentennial of the Start of the Civil War. Miller Center of Public Affairs UV: C-Span. Retrieved August 29, 2017. Issues related to the institution of slavery precipitated secession.... It was not states' rights, it was not the tariff. It was not unhappiness with manners and customs that led to secession and eventually to war. It was a cluster of issues profoundly dividing the nation along a fault line delineated by the institution of slavery.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c d McPherson 1988, pp. vii–viii.
    ^ Dougherty, Keith L.; Heckelman, Jac C. (2008). "Voting on slavery at the Constitutional Convention". Public Choice. 136 (3–4): 293. doi:10.1007/s11127-008-9297-7. S2CID 14103553.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 7–8.
    ^ McPherson, James M. (1994). What They Fought For 1861–1865. Louisiana State University Press. p. 62. ISBN 978-0-8071-1904-4.
    ^ McPherson, James M. (1997). For Cause and Comrades. Oxford University Press. p. 39. ISBN 978-0-19-509023-9.
    ^ Gallagher, Gary (February 21, 2011). Remembering the Civil War (Speech). Sesquicentennial of the Start of the Civil War. Miller Center of Public Affairs UV: C-Span. Retrieved August 29, 2017. The loyal citizenry initially gave very little thought to emancipation in their quest to save the union.... Most loyal citizens, though profoundly prejudice[d] by 21st century standards[,] embraced emancipation as a tool to punish slaveholders, weaken the Confederacy, and protect the Union from future internal strife. A minority of the white populous invoked moral grounds to attack slavery, though their arguments carried far less weight than those presenting emancipation as a military measure necessary to defeat the rebels and restore the Union.
    ^ "Union Soldiers Condemn Slavery". SHEC: Resources for Teachers. The City University of New York Graduate Center. Retrieved February 2, 2023.
    ^ Eskridge, Larry (January 29, 2011). "After 150 years, we still ask: Why 'this cruel war'?". Canton Daily Ledger. Canton, Illinois. Archived from the original on February 1, 2011. Retrieved January 29, 2011.
    ^ Kuriwaki, Shiro; Huff, Connor; Hall, Andrew B. (2019). "Wealth, Slaveownership, and Fighting for the Confederacy: An Empirical Study of the American Civil War". American Political Science Review. 113 (3): 658–673. doi:10.1017/S0003055419000170. ISSN 0003-0554.
    ^ Weeks 2013, p. 240.
    ^ Olsen 2002, p. 237.
    ^ Chadwick, French Ensor (1906). Causes of the civil war, 1859–1861. p. 8 – via Internet Archive.
    ^ Julius, Kevin C (2004). The Abolitionist Decade, 1829–1838: A Year-by-Year History of Early Events in the Antislavery Movement. McFarland & Company.
    ^ Marcotte, Frank B. (2004). Six Days in April: Lincoln and the Union in Peril. Algora Publishing. p. 171.
    ^ Fleming, Thomas (2014). A Disease in the Public Mind: A New Understanding of Why We Fought the Civil War. Hachette Books. ISBN 978-0-306-82295-7.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 210.
    ^ Sewall, Samuel. The Selling of Joseph, pp. 1–3, Bartholomew Green & John Allen, Boston, Massachusetts, 1700.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McCullough, David. John Adams, pp. 132–133, Simon & Schuster, New York, 2001. ISBN 0-684-81363-7.
    ^ Ketcham, Ralph, James Madison: A Biography, pp. 625–626, American Political Biography Press, Newtown, Connecticut, 1971. ISBN 0-945707-33-9.
    ^ "Benjamin Franklin Petitions Congress". National Archives and Records Administration. August 15, 2016.
    ^ Franklin, Benjamin (February 3, 1790). "Petition from the Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery". Archived from the original on May 21, 2006. Retrieved May 21, 2006.
    ^ John Paul Kaminski (1995). A Necessary Evil?: Slavery and the Debate Over the Constitution. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 256. ISBN 978-0-945612-33-9.
    ^ Painter, Nell Irvin (2007). Creating Black Americans: African-American History and Its Meanings, 1619 to the Present. p. 72.
    ^ Wilson, Black Codes (1965), p. 15. "By 1775, inspired by those 'self-evident' truths which were to be expressed by the Declaration of Independence, a considerable number of colonists felt that the time had come to end slavery and give the free Negroes some fruits of liberty. This sentiment, added to economic considerations, led to the immediate or gradual abolition of slavery in six northern states, while there was a swelling flood of private manumissions in the South. Little actual gain was made by the free Negro even in this period, and by the turn of the century, the downward trend had begun again. Thereafter the only important change in that trend before the Civil War was that after 1831 the decline in the status of the free Negro became more precipitate."
    ^ Hubbard, Robert Ernest. General Rufus Putnam: George Washington's Chief Military Engineer and the "Father of Ohio", pp. 1–4, 105–106, McFarland & Company, Inc., Jefferson, North Carolina, 2020. ISBN 978-1-4766-7862-7.
    ^ McCullough, David. The Pioneers: The Heroic Story of the Settlers Who Brought the American Ideal West, pp. 4, 9, 11, 13, 29–30, Simon & Schuster, New York, 2019. ISBN 978-1-5011-6868-0.
    ^ Gradert, Kenyon. Puritan Spirits in the Abolitionist Imagination, pp. 1–3, 14–5, 24, 29–30, University of Chicago Press: Chicago and London, 2020. ISBN 978-0-226-69402-3.
    ^ Commager, Henry Steele. Theodore Parker, Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1936, pp. 206–210.
    ^ Anderson, Mic. "8 Influential Abolitionist Texts". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved January 7, 2021.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 38.
    ^ "The Sentimental Novel: The Example of Harriet Beecher Stowe" by Gail K. Smith, The Cambridge Companion to Nineteenth-Century American Women's Writing by Dale M. Bauer and Philip Gould, Cambridge University Press, 2001, p. 221. Book preview Archived November 16, 2022, at the Wayback Machine.
    ^ Fredrickson, George M., ed., The Impending Crisis of the South, Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1968. The quotation is from Frederickson's "Introduction", p. ix.
    ^ The Impending Crisis of the South, Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1968, p. 25.
    ^ Shapiro, William E. (1993). The Young People's Encyclopedia of the United States. Brookfield, Conn.: Millbrook Press. ISBN 1-56294-514-9. OCLC 30932823.
    ^ Robins, R.G. (2004). A.J. Tomlinson: Plainfolk Modernist. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-988317-2.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 40.
    ^ "Report on Slavery and Racism in the History of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary" (PDF). Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. December 2018. Archived (PDF) from the original on October 9, 2022. Retrieved July 29, 2019.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 39.
    ^ Donald 1995, pp. 188–189.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 41–46.
    ^ Krannawitter 2008, pp. 49–50.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 49–77.
    ^ McPherson 2007, p. 14.
    ^ Stampp 1990, pp. 190–193.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 51.
    ^ McPherson 2007, pp. 13–14.
    ^ Bestor 1964, p. 19.
    ^ McPherson 2007, p. 16.
    ^ Kerstetter, Todd M. (September 1, 2012). "The Mormon Rebellion: America's First Civil War, 1857–1858 . By David L. Bigler and Will Bagley. (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2011. pp. xv, 392.)". The Historian. 74 (3): 564–565. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.2012.00328_10.x. ISSN 0018-2370. S2CID 145299150.
    ^ Reséndez, Andrés (2016). The Other Slavery: The Uncovered Story of Indian Enslavement in America. HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-544-60267-0.
    ^ Bestor 1964, pp. 19–21.
    ^ Bestor 1964, p. 20.
    ^ Russell 1966, pp. 468–469.
    ^ Bestor, Arthur (1988). Friedman, Lawrence Meir; Scheiber, Harry N. (eds.). "The American Civil War as a Constitutional Crisis". American Historical Review. 69 (2). Harvard University Press: 327–352. doi:10.2307/1844986. ISBN 978-0-674-02527-1. JSTOR 1844986.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 52–54.
    ^ Bestor 1964, pp. 21–23.
    ^ Johannsen 1973, p. 406.
    ^ "Territorial Politics and Government". Territorial Kansas Online: University of Kansas and Kansas Historical Society. Retrieved July 10, 2014. Finteg.
    ^ Bestor 1964, p. 21.
    ^ Bestor 1964, p. 23.
    ^ Varon 2008, p. 58.
    ^ Russell 1966, p. 470.
    ^ Bestor 1964, pp. 23–24.
    ^ Bestor 1964, pp. 24–25.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Flanagin, Jake (April 8, 2015). "For the last time, the American Civil War was not about states' rights". Quartz. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Foner, Eric (January 23, 2015). "When the South Wasn't a Fan of States' Rights". Politico Magazine. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Finkelman, Paul (June 24, 2015). "States' Rights, Southern Hypocrisy, and the Crisis of the Union". Akron Law Review. 45 (2). ISSN 0002-371X.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c McPherson 2007, pp. 3–9.
    ^ Forrest McDonald, States' Rights and the Union: Imperium in Imperio, 1776–1876 (2002).
    ^ McPherson 2007, p. 7.
    ^ Krannawitter 2008, p. 232.
    ^ Gara, 1964, p. 190.
    ^ Jump up to:a b "States' Rights, the Slave Power Conspiracy, and the Causes of the Civil War". Concerning History. July 3, 2017. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Woods, Michael E. (2017). "'Tell Us Something about State Rights': Northern Republicans, States' Rights, and the Coming of the Civil War". Journal of the Civil War Era. 7 (2): 242–268. ISSN 2154-4727. JSTOR 26070516.
    ^ McCurry, Stephanie (June 21, 2020). "The Confederacy Was an Antidemocratic, Centralized State". The Atlantic. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Charles S. Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalism 1819–1848 (1948).
    ^ Robert Royal Russel, Economic Aspects of Southern Sectionalism, 1840–1861 (1973).
    ^ Ahlstrom 1972, pp. 648–649.
    ^ Kenneth M. Stampp, The Imperiled Union: Essays on the Background of the Civil War (1981), p. 198; Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Parrington (1969).
    ^ Woodworth 1996, pp. 145, 151, 505, 512, 554, 557, 684.
    ^ Thornton & Ekelund 2004, p. 21.
    ^ Frank Taussig, The Tariff History of the United States (1931), pp. 115–61
    ^ Hofstadter 1938, pp. 50–55.
    ^ Robert Gray Gunderson, Old Gentleman's Convention: The Washington Peace Conference of 1861. (1961).
    ^ Jon L. Wakelyn (1996). Southern Pamphlets on Secession, November 1860 – April 1861. University of North Carolina Press. pp. 23–30. ISBN 978-0-8078-6614-6.
    ^ Potter 1962b, pp. 924–950.
    ^ Bertram Wyatt-Brown, The Shaping of Southern Culture: Honor, Grace, and War, 1760s–1880s (2000).
    ^ Avery Craven, The Growth of Southern Nationalism, 1848–1861 (1953).
    ^ "Republican Platform of 1860", in Kirk H. Porter, and Donald Bruce Johnson, eds. National Party Platforms, 1840–1956, (University of Illinois Press, 1956). p. 32.
    ^ Susan-Mary Grant, North over South: Northern Nationalism and American Identity in the Antebellum Era (2000); Melinda Lawson, Patriot Fires: Forging a New American Nationalism in the Civil War North (2005).
    ^ Potter & Fehrenbacher 1976, p. 485.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 254–255.
    ^ "1861 Time Line of the Civil War". Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Retrieved January 22, 2022.
    ^ Jaffa, Harry V. (2004). A New Birth of Freedom: Abraham Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-8476-9953-7.
    ^ "1861 | Time Line of the Civil War". Library of Congress. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Ordinances of Secession by State Archived June 11, 2004, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ The text of the Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union Archived February 20, 2019, at the Wayback Machine.
    ^ The text of A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union Archived October 10, 2014, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ The text of Georgia's secession declaration Archived July 14, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ The text of A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union Archived August 11, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 24.
    ^ President James Buchanan, Message of December 8, 1860 Archived December 20, 2008, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ Winters 1963, p. 28.
    ^ "Profile Showing the Grades upon the Different Routes Surveyed for the Union Pacific Rail Road Between the Missouri River and the Valley of the Platte River". World Digital Library. 1865. Retrieved July 16, 2013.
    ^ "Abraham Lincoln imposes first federal income tax". History.com. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 252–54.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 253.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 234–266.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, Monday, March 4, 1861.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 262.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Potter & Fehrenbacher 1976, pp. 572–573.
    ^ Harris, William C. (Winter 2000). "The Hampton Roads Peace Conference: A Final Test of Lincoln's Presidential Leadership". Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association. 21 (1). hdl:2027/spo.2629860.0021.104. ISSN 1945-7987.
    ^ Hardyman, Robyn (2016). What Caused the Civil War?. Gareth Stevens Publishing LLLP. p. 27. ISBN 978-1-4824-5180-1.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 264.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 265.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 266.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson 1988, p. 267.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 268.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 272.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 273.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 273–274.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 274.
    ^ "Abraham Lincoln: Proclamation 83 – Increasing the Size of the Army and Navy". Presidency.ucsb.edu. Retrieved November 3, 2011.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 278.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 276–307.
    ^ Jones 2011, pp. 203–204.
    ^ Jones 2011, p. 21.
    ^ "Civil War and the Maryland General Assembly, Maryland State Archives". msa.maryland.gov. Retrieved May 28, 2017.
    ^ Jump up to:a b "Teaching American History in Maryland – Documents for the Classroom: Arrest of the Maryland Legislature, 1861". Maryland State Archives. 2005. Archived from the original on January 11, 2008. Retrieved February 6, 2008.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 284–287.
    ^ William C. Harris, Lincoln and the Border States: Preserving the Union (University Press of Kansas, 2011), p. 71.
    ^ "One significant point of disagreement among historians and political scientists is whether Roger Taney heard Ex parte Merryman as a U.S. circuit judge or as a Supreme Court justice in chambers." White, Jonathan W., Abraham Lincoln and Treason in the Civil War: The Trials of John Merryman, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2011, pp. 38–39; Vladeck, Stephen I., "The Field Theory: Martial Law, The Suspension Power, and The Insurrection Act" Archived September 27, 2022, at the Wayback Machine, Temple Law Review, vol. 80, no. 2 (Summer 2007), p. 391, n.2.
    ^ Howard, F. K. (Frank Key) (1863). Fourteen Months in American Bastiles. London: H.F. Mackintosh. Retrieved August 18, 2014.
    ^ Nevins, The War for the Union (1959), 1:119–29.
    ^ Nevins, The War for the Union (1959), 1:129–36.
    ^ "A State of Convenience, The Creation of West Virginia". West Virginia Archives & History. Archived from the original on May 18, 2012. Retrieved April 20, 2012.
    ^ Curry, Richard Orr (1964), A House Divided: A Study of the Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia, University of Pittsburgh Press, map on p. 49.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 303.
    ^ Weigley 2004, p. 55.
    ^ Snell, Mark A., West Virginia and the Civil War, History Press, Charleston, SC, 2011, p. 28.
    ^ Neely 1993, pp. 10–11.
    ^ Keegan, The American Civil War (2009), p. 73. Over 10,000 military engagements took place during the war, 40 percent of them in Virginia and Tennessee. See Gabor Boritt, ed., War Comes Again (1995), p. 247.
    ^ "With an actual strength of 1,080 officers and 14,926 enlisted men on June 30, 1860, the Regular Army ..." Civil War Extracts Archived October 17, 2012, at the Wayback Machine pp. 199–221, American Military History.
    ^ Nicolay, John George; Hay, John (1890). Abraham Lincoln: A History. Century Company.
    ^ Coulter, E. Merton (1950). The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865: A History of the South. LSU Press. p. 308. ISBN 978-0-8071-0007-3.
    ^ Nicolay, John George; Hay, John (1890). Abraham Lincoln: A History. Century Company. state: "Since the organization of the Montgomery government in February, some four different calls for Southern volunteers had been made ... In his message of April 29 to the rebel Congress, Jefferson Davis proposed to organize for instant action an army of 100,000 ..." Coulter reports that Alexander Stephens took this to mean Davis wanted unilateral control of a standing army, and from that moment on became his implacable opponent.
    ^ Faust, Albert Bernhardt (1909). The German Element in the United States: With Special Reference to Its Political, Moral, Social, and Educational Influence. Houghton Mifflin Company. The railroads and banks grew rapidly. See Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxson. Jay Cooke: Financier Of The Civil War. Vol. 2. 1907. pp. 378–430.. See also Oberholtzer, Ellis Parson (1926). A history of the United States since the Civil War. The Macmillan company. pp. 69–12.
    ^ Barnet Schecter, The Devil's Own Work: The Civil War Draft Riots and the Fight to Reconstruct America (2007).
    ^ Eugene Murdock, One Million Men: the Civil War draft in the North (1971).
    ^ Judith Lee Hallock, "The Role of the Community in Civil War Desertion." Civil War History (1983) 29#2 pp. 123–134. online.
    ^ Bearman, Peter S. (1991). "Desertion as Localism: Army Unit Solidarity and Group Norms in the U.S. Civil War". Social Forces. 70 (2): 321–342. doi:10.1093/sf/70.2.321. JSTOR 2580242.
    ^ Robert Fantina, Desertion and the American Soldier, 1776–2006 (2006), p. 74.
    ^ Civil War Institute (January 5, 2015). "A Prussian Observes the American Civil War". The Gettysburg Compiler. Retrieved January 6, 2022.
    ^ Keegan 2009, p. 57.
    ^ Roger Pickenpaugh (2013). Captives in Blue: The Civil War Prisons of the Confederacy. University of Alabama Press. pp. 57–73. ISBN 978-0-8173-1783-6.
    ^ Tucker, Pierpaoli & White 2010, p. 1466.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Leonard, Elizabeth D. (1999). All the Daring of the Soldier: Women of the Civil War Armies. W.W. Norton & Co. ISBN 0-3930-4712-1.
    ^ "Highlights in the History of Military Women". Women In Military Service For America Memorial. Archived from the original on April 3, 2013. Retrieved June 22, 2013.
    ^ Pennington, Reina (2003). Amazons to Fighter Pilots: A Biographical Dictionary of Military Women (Volume Two). Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. pp. 474–75. ISBN 0-313-32708-4.
    ^ "The Case of Dr. Walker, Only Woman to Win (and Lose) the Medal of Honor". The New York Times. June 4, 1977. Retrieved January 6, 2018.
    ^ Welles 1865, p. 152.
    ^ Tucker, Pierpaoli & White 2010, p. 462.
    ^ Canney 1998, p. ?.
    ^ "American Civil War: The naval war". Britannica. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved January 24, 2022.
    ^ Nelson 2005, p. 92.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Anderson 1989, p. 300.
    ^ Myron J. Smith, Tinclads in the Civil War: Union Light-Draught Gunboat Operations on Western Waters, 1862–1865 (2009).
    ^ Gerald F. Teaster and Linda and James Treaster Ambrose, The Confederate Submarine H. L. Hunley (1989).
    ^ Nelson 2005, p. 345.
    ^ Fuller 2008, p. 36.
    ^ Richter 2009, p. 49.
    ^ Johnson 1998, p. 228.
    ^ Anderson 1989, pp. 288–289, 296–298.
    ^ Wise, 1991, p. 49.
    ^ Mendelsohn, 2012, pp. 43–44.
    ^ Stern 1962, pp. 224–225.
    ^ Mark E. Neely Jr. "The Perils of Running the Blockade: The Influence of International Law in an Era of Total War", Civil War History (1986) 32#2, pp. 101–18, in Project MUSE.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Stephen R. Wise, Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running during the Civil War (1991).
    ^ Surdam, David G. (1998). "The Union Navy's blockade reconsidered". Naval War College Review. 51 (4): 85–107.
    ^ David G. Surdam, Northern Naval Superiority and the Economics of the American Civil War (University of South Carolina Press, 2001).
    ^ David Keys (June 24, 2014). "Historians reveal secrets of UK gun-running which lengthened the American civil war by two years". The Independent.
    ^ Kevin Dougherty (2010). Weapons of Mississippi. University Press of Mississippi. p. 87. ISBN 9-7816-0473-4522.
    ^ Jones 2002, p. 225.
    ^ Dinçaslan 2022, p. 73.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 546–557.
    ^ Herring 2011, p. 237.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson 1988, p. 386.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Allan Nevins, War for the Union 1862–1863, pp. 263–264.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c Don H. Doyle, The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War, New York: Basic Books (2015), pp. 8 (quote), 69–70, 70–74.
    ^ Richard Huzzeym, Freedom Burning: Anti-Slavery and Empire in Victorian Britain (2013).
    ^ Jump up to:a b Stephen B. Oates, The Approaching Fury: Voices of the Storm 1820–1861, p. 125.
    ^ "The Trent Affair: Diplomacy, Britain, and the American Civil War – National Museum of American Diplomacy". January 5, 2022. Retrieved January 18, 2022.
    ^ Shawcross, Edward (2021). The Last Emperor of Mexico: The Dramatic Story of the Habsburg Archduke Who Created a Kingdom in the New World. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 978-1541-674196. Also titled The Last Emperor of Mexico: A Disaster in the New World. London: Faber & Faber, 2022.
    ^ Herring 2011, p. 261.
    ^ Norman E. Saul, Richard D. McKinzie. Russian-American Dialogue on Cultural Relations, 1776–1914 p. 95. ISBN 978-0826210975.
    ^ "Eastern Theater of the Civil War – Legends of America". www.legendsofamerica.com. Retrieved April 22, 2024.
    ^ Anderson 1989, p. 91.
    ^ Freeman, Vol. II, p. 78 and footnote 6.
    ^ Foote 1974, pp. 464–519.
    ^ Bruce Catton, Terrible Swift Sword, pp. 263–296.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 424–27.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson 1988, pp. 538–44.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 528–33.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 543–45.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 557–58.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 571–74.
    ^ Matteson, John, A Worse Place Than Hell: How the Civil War Battle of Fredericksburg Changed a Nation, New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2021.
    ^ Jones, Wilmer L. (2006). Generals in Blue and Gray: Lincoln's Generals. Stackpole Books. pp. 237–38. ISBN 978-1-4617-5106-9.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 639–45.
    ^ Jonathan A. Noyalas (2010). Stonewall Jackson's 1862 Valley Campaign. Arcadia Publishing. p. 93. ISBN 978-1-61423-040-3.
    ^ Thomas, Emory M. (1997). Robert E. Lee: A Biography. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 287. ISBN 978-0-393-31631-5.
    ^ "Salem Church". National Park Service. October 5, 2021. Retrieved March 30, 2022.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 653–63.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 664.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Bowery, Charles R. (2014). The Civil War in the Western Theater, 1862. Washington, D.C.: Center of Military History. pp. 58–72. ISBN 978-0160923166. OCLC 880934087.
    ^ "Vicksburg". American Battlefield Trust. Retrieved September 27, 2022.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 405–13.
    ^ Whitsell, Robert D. (1963). "Military and Naval Activity between Cairo and Columbus". Register of the Kentucky Historical Society. 62 (2): 107–21.
    ^ Frank & Reaves 2003, p. 170.
    ^ "Death of Albert Sidney Johnston – Tour Stop #17 (U.S. National Park Service)". www.nps.gov. Retrieved March 12, 2022.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson 1988, pp. 418–20.
    ^ Kennedy, p. 58.
    ^ Symonds & Clipson 2001, p. 92.
    ^ "10 Facts: The Vicksburg Campaign". American Battlefield Trust. January 31, 2013. Retrieved September 13, 2022.
    ^ Brown, Kent Masterson. The Civil War in Kentucky: Battle for the Bluegrass State. p. 95.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 419–20.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 480–83.
    ^ Ronald Scott Mangum, "The Vicksburg Campaign: A Study In Joint Operations", Parameters: U.S. Army War College (1991) 21#3, pp. 74–86 online Archived November 27, 2012, at the Wayback Machine
    ^ Miller, Donald L. Vicksburg: Grant's Campaign that Broke the Confederacy. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2019. ISBN 978-1-4516-4137-0.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 677–80.
    ^ "Sherman's March to the Sea". American Battlefield Trust. September 17, 2014.
    ^ Jones 2011, p. 1476.
    ^ Keegan 2009, p. 100.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 404–05.
    ^ James B. Martin, Third War: Irregular Warfare on the Western Border 1861–1865 (Combat Studies Institute Leavenworth Paper series, number 23, 2012). See also, Michael Fellman, Inside War: The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri during the Civil War (1989). Missouri alone was the scene of over 1,000 engagements between regular units, and uncounted numbers of guerrilla attacks and raids by informal pro-Confederate bands, especially in the recently settled western counties.
    ^ Bohl, Sarah (2004). "A War on Civilians: Order Number 11 and the Evacuation of Western Missouri". Prologue. 36 (1): 44–51.
    ^ Keegan 2009, p. 270.
    ^ Graves, William H. (1991). "Indian Soldiers for the Gray Army: Confederate Recruitment in Indian Territory". Chronicles of Oklahoma. 69 (2): 134–45.
    ^ Neet, J. Frederick Jr. (1996). "Stand Watie: Confederate General in the Cherokee Nation". Great Plains Journal. 6 (1): 36–51.
    ^ Keegan 2009, pp. 220–21.
    ^ Red River Campaign. Encyclopedia Britannica. online Archived March 27, 2022, at the Wayback Machine.
    ^ Symonds, Craig L. (2012). The Civil War at sea. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 110. ISBN 978-0-19-993168-2. OCLC 777948477.
    ^ "Second Battle of Fort Wagner | Summary | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved January 25, 2022.
    ^ Lattimore, Ralston B. "Battle for Fort Pulaski – Fort Pulaski National Monument (U.S. National Park Service)". www.nps.gov. Retrieved April 20, 2022.
    ^ Trefousse, Hans L. (1957). Ben Butler: The South Called Him Beast!. New York: Twayne. OCLC 371213.
    ^ "Vicksburg". American Battlefield Trust. Retrieved March 12, 2022.
    ^ "War in the West · Civil War · Digital Exhibits". digitalexhibits.wsulibs.wsu.edu. Retrieved March 7, 2022.
    ^ Mark E. Neely Jr.; "Was the Civil War a Total War?" Civil War History, Vol. 50, 2004, pp. 434+.
    ^ U.S. Grant (1990). Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant; Selected Letters. Library of America. p. 247. ISBN 978-0-940450-58-5.
    ^ Ron Field (2013). Petersburg 1864–65: The Longest Siege. Osprey Publishing. p. 6. ISBN 978-1-4728-0305-4.[permanent dead link]
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 724–35.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 728.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 724–42.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 778–79.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 773–76.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 812–15.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 825–30.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 846–47.
    ^ "Union / Victory! / Peace! / Surrender of General Lee and His Whole Army". The New York Times. April 10, 1865. p. 1.
    ^ Jump up to:a b "Most Glorious News of the War / Lee Has Surrendered to Grant ! / All Lee's Officers and Men Are Paroled". Savannah Daily Herald. Savannah, Georgia, U.S. April 16, 1865. pp. 1, 4.
    ^ Simpson, Brooks D., Let Us Have Peace: Ulysses S. Grant and the Politics of War and Reconstruction, 1861–1868, Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1991, p. 84.
    ^ William Marvel, Lee's Last Retreat: The Flight to Appomattox (2002), pp. 158–181.
    ^ Winik, Jay (2001). April 1865 : the month that saved America. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. pp. 188–189. ISBN 0-06-018723-9. OCLC 46543709.
    ^ Unaware of the surrender of Lee, on April 16 the last major battles of the war were fought at the Battle of Columbus, Georgia, and the Battle of West Point.
    ^ Long, p. 685.
    ^ Arnold, James R.; Wiener, Roberta (2016). Understanding U.S. Military Conflicts through Primary Sources [4 volumes]. American Civil War: ABC-CLIO. p. 15. ISBN 978-1-61069-934-1.
    ^ Long 1971, p. 688.
    ^ Bradley, Mark L. (2015). The Civil War Ends (PDF). US Army, Center of Military History. p. 68. Archived (PDF) from the original on October 9, 2022. Retrieved May 26, 2022.
    ^ Hunt 2015, p. 5.
    ^ Long 1971, p. 690.
    ^ Dunkerly 2015, p. 117.
    ^ Long 1971, p. 692.
    ^ "Ulysses S. Grant: The Myth of 'Unconditional Surrender' Begins at Fort Donelson". American Battlefield Trust. April 17, 2009. Archived from the original on February 7, 2016.
    ^ Morris, John Wesley (1977). Ghost Towns of Oklahoma. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 68. ISBN 978-0-8061-1420-0.
    ^ "The 58-year-old Cherokee chieftain was the last Confederate general to lay down his arms. The last Confederate-affiliated tribe to surrender was the Chickasaw nation, which capitulated on 14 July." Bradley, 2015, p. 69.
    ^ Conner, Robert C. General Gordon Granger: The Savior of Chickamauga and the Man Behind "Juneteenth". Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, 2013. ISBN 978-1-61200-186-9. p. 177.
    ^ Gates, Henry Louis Jr. (January 16, 2013). "What Is Juneteenth?". PBS. Retrieved June 12, 2020.
    ^ Abraham Lincoln, Proclamation 128—Claiming Equality of Rights with All Maritime Nations. Dated April 11, 1865. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project [5] Archived November 16, 2022, at the Wayback Machine. University of California, Santa Barbara. Retrieved July 25, 2022. The proclamation did not use the term "belligerent rights."
    ^ Neff 2010, p. 205.
    ^ Andrew Johnson, Proclamation 132—Ordering the Arrest of Insurgent Cruisers. Dated May 10, 1865. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project [6] Archived November 16, 2022, at the Wayback Machine. University of California, Santa Barbara. Retrieved July 25, 2022. The proclamation did not use the term "belligerent rights".
    ^ "Withdrawal of Belligerent Rights by Great Britain". Army and Navy Journal. 2 (44). New York: American News Company: 695. June 24, 1865. Retrieved July 25, 2022.
    ^ "England and the Termination of the Rebellion". Army and Navy Journal. 2 (48). New York: American News Company: 763. July 22, 1865. Retrieved July 25, 2022.
    ^ "Withdrawal of British Restrictions Upon American Naval Vessels". Army and Navy Journal. 3 (11). New York: American News Company: 172. November 4, 1865. Retrieved July 25, 2022.
    ^ Heidler, pp. 703–706.
    ^ Murray, Robert B. (Autumn 1967). The End of the Rebellion. The North Carolina Historical Review. p. 336. Retrieved May 6, 2022.
    ^ Neff 2010, p. 207.
    ^ Trudeau, Noah Andre (1994). Out of the Storm: The End of the Civil War, April–June 1865. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. p. 396. ISBN 978-0-316-85328-6. In United States v. Anderson, 76 U.S. 56 (1869), "The U.S. attorneys argued that the Rebellion had been suppressed following the surrender of the Trans-Mississippi Department, as established in the surrender document negotiated on May 26, 1865." p. 396. The Supreme Court decided that the "legal end of the American Civil War had been decided by Congress to be August 20, 1866—the date of Andrew Johnson's final proclamation on the conclusion of the Rebellion." p. 397.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 851.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 855.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Gabor S. Boritt, ed., Why the Confederacy Lost.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 771–772.
    ^ Railroad length is from: Chauncey Depew (ed.), One Hundred Years of American Commerce 1795–1895, p. 111; For other data see: 1860 U.S. Census Archived August 17, 2017, at the Wayback Machine and Carter, Susan B., ed. The Historical Statistics of the United States: Millennial Edition (5 vols), 2006.
    ^ Martis, Kenneth C. (1994). The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America: 1861–1865. Simon & Schuster. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-13-389115-7. At the beginning of 1865, the Confederacy controlled one third of its congressional districts, which were apportioned by population. The major slave populations found in Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Alabama were effectively under Union control by the end of 1864.
    ^ Digital History Reader, U.S. Railroad Construction, 1860–1880 Archived June 11, 2016, at the Wayback Machine Virginia Tech, Retrieved August 21, 2012. "Total Union railroad miles" aggregates existing track reported 1860 @ 21800 plus new construction 1860–1864 @ 5000, plus southern railroads administered by USMRR @ 2300.
    ^ Murray, Bernstein & Knox 1996, p. 235.
    ^ Heidler, Heidler & Coles 2002, pp. 1207–10.
    ^ Ward 1990, p. 272.
    ^ E. Merton Coulter, The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865 (1950), p. 566.
    ^ Richard E. Beringer, Herman Hattaway, Archer Jones and William N. Still Jr, Why the South Lost the Civil War (1991), ch 1.
    ^ see Alan Farmer, History Review (2005) Archived March 23, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, No. 52: 15–20.
    ^ McPherson 1997, pp. 169–72.
    ^ Gallagher 1999, p. 57.
    ^ Fehrenbacher, Don (2004). "Lincoln's Wartime Leadership: The First Hundred Days". Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association. 9 (1). University of Illinois. Retrieved October 16, 2007.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 382–88.
    ^ Don H. Doyle, The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War, New York: Basic Books (2015).
    ^ Fergus M. Bordewich, "The World Was Watching: America's Civil War slowly came to be seen as part of a global struggle against oppressive privilege" Archived February 21, 2017, at the Wayback Machine, Wall Street Journal (February 7–8, 2015).
    ^ Jump up to:a b c Dupont, Brandon; Rosenbloom, Joshua L. (2018). "The Economic Origins of the Postwar Southern Elite". Explorations in Economic History. 68: 119–31. doi:10.1016/j.eeh.2017.09.002.
    ^ "U.S. Civil War Took Bigger Toll Than Previously Estimated, New Analysis Suggests". Science Daily. September 22, 2011. Retrieved September 22, 2011.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Hacker 2011, pp. 307–48.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 854.
    ^ Vinovskis 1990, p. 7.
    ^ Richard Wightman Fox (2008). "National Life After Death". Slate.com.
    ^ "U.S. Civil War Prison Camps Claimed Thousands Archived February 25, 2010, at the Wayback Machine". National Geographic News. July 1, 2003.
    ^ Riordan, Teresa (March 8, 2004). "When Necessity Meets Ingenuity: Art of Restoring What's Missing". The New York Times. Associated Press. Retrieved December 23, 2013.
    ^ Herbert Aptheker, "Negro Casualties in the Civil War", The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 32, No. 1. (January 1947).
    ^ Jim Downs, Sick from Freedom: African-American Illness and Suffering during the Civil War and Reconstruction, Oxford University Press, 2012.
    ^ "The Battle of Gettysburg & the History of the Civil War Horse". June 25, 2013. Retrieved January 2, 2024.
    ^ "Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32., Confederate States' flags". www.perseus.tufts.edu. Retrieved January 9, 2024.
    ^ "Returned Flags Booklet, 1905 | A State Divided". PBS LearningMedia. Retrieved January 9, 2024.
    ^ "American Civil War Fortifications (2)". United States.
    ^ Foner 2010, p. 74.
    ^ Foner 1981, p. ?.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson, pp. 506–08.
    ^ McPherson, p. 686.
    ^ Cathey, Libby (June 17, 2021). "Biden signs bill making Juneteenth, marking the end of slavery, a federal holiday". ABC News. Retrieved June 17, 2021.
    ^ Claudia Goldin, "The economics of emancipation." The Journal of Economic History 33#1 (1973): 66–85.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 831–37.
    ^ Donald 1995, pp. 417–19.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Lincoln's letter to O. H. Browning, September 22, 1861. Sentiment among German Americans was largely antislavery especially among Forty-Eighters, resulting in hundreds of thousands of German Americans volunteering to fight for the Union."Wittke, Carl (1952). Refugees of Revolution. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-1-5128-0874-2." Christian B. Keller, "Flying Dutchmen and Drunken Irishmen: The Myths and Realities of Ethnic Civil War Soldiers", Journal of Military History, Vol. 73, No. 1, January 2009, pp. 117–145; for primary sources, see Walter D. Kamphoefner and Wolfgang Helbich, eds., Germans in the Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home (2006). "On the other hand, many of the recent immigrants in the North viewed freed slaves as competition for scarce jobs, and as the reason why the Civil War was being fought." Baker, Kevin (March 2003). "Violent City", American Heritage. Retrieved July 29, 2010. "Due in large part to this fierce competition with free blacks for labor opportunities, the poor and working class Irish Catholics generally opposed emancipation. When the draft began in the summer of 1863, they launched a major riot in New York City that was suppressed by the military, as well as much smaller protests in other cities." Barnet Schecter, The Devil's Own Work: The Civil War Draft Riots and the Fight to Reconstruct America (2007), ch. 6. Many Catholics in the North had volunteered to fight in 1861, sending thousands of soldiers to the front and suffering high casualties, especially at Fredericksburg; their volunteering fell off after 1862.
    ^ Baker, Kevin (March 2003). "Violent City", American Heritage. Retrieved July 29, 2010.
    ^ McPherson, James M., "Lincoln and the Strategy of Unconditional Surrender", in Boritt, Gabor S., ed., Lincoln, the War President, pp. 52–54; also in McPherson, James M., Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution, pp. 83–85.
    ^ Oates, Stephen B., Abraham Lincoln: The Man Behind the Myths, p. 106.
    ^ Stahr, Walter, Stanton: Lincoln's War Secretary, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2017, p. 226.
    ^ "Horace Greeley (1811–1872). "The Prayer of Twenty Millions". Stedman and Hutchinson, eds. 1891. A Library of American Literature: An Anthology in 11 Volumes". www.bartleby.com. June 14, 2022.
    ^ Lincoln's letter was published first in the Washington National Intelligencer on August 23, 1862. Holzer, Harold, Lincoln and the Power of the Press: The War for Public Opinion, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2014, p. 401.
    ^ Abraham Lincoln (August 24, 1862). "A LETTER FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN.; Reply to Horace Greeley. Slavery and the Union The Restoration of the Union the Paramount Object". The New York Times. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Wikidata Q116965145.
    ^ White, Jonathan W., A House Built by Slaves: African American Visitors to the Lincoln White House, Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2022, ch. 3.
    ^ Pulling, Sr. Anne Frances, Altoona: Images of America, Arcadia Publishing, 2001, 10.
    ^ Lincoln's Letter to A. G. Hodges, April 4, 1864.
    ^ "Lincoln Lore – Albert G. Hodges". apps.legislature.ky.gov. Retrieved January 20, 2022.
    ^ "Andrew Johnson and Emancipation in Tennessee – Andrew Johnson National Historic Site (U.S. National Park Service)". www.nps.gov.
    ^ Harper, Douglas (2003). "Slavery in Delaware". Archived from the original on October 16, 2007. Retrieved October 16, 2007.
    ^ Donald 1995, pp. 417–419.
    ^ McPherson, James, "A War that Never Goes Away", American Heritage, Vol. 41, no. 2 (Mar 1990). Archived February 18, 2022, at the Wayback Machine
    ^ Asante & Mazama 2004, p. 82.
    ^ Holzer & Gabbard 2007, pp. 172–74.
    ^ Rhodes-Pitts, Sharifa (October 9, 2014). "The Worth of Black Men, From Slavery to Ferguson". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved December 25, 2023.
    ^ The Economist, "The Civil War: Finally Passing Archived April 20, 2011, at the Wayback Machine", April 2, 2011, pp. 23–25.
    ^ Hans L. Trefousse, Historical Dictionary of Reconstruction (Greenwood, 1991) covers all the main events and leaders.
    ^ Eric Foner's A Short History of Reconstruction (1990) is a brief survey.
    ^ C. Vann Woodward, Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruction (2nd ed. 1991).
    ^ Williams, Susan Millar; Hoffius, Stephen G. (2011). Upheaval in Charleston: Earthquake and Murder on the Eve of Jim Crow. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 978-0-8203-3715-9. JSTOR j.ctt46nc9q – via JSTOR.
    ^ "Presidents Who Were Civil War Veterans". Essential Civil War Curriculum.
    ^ Joan Waugh and Gary W. Gallagher, eds. (2009), Wars within a War: Controversy and Conflict over the American Civil War (University of North Carolina Press).
    ^ David W. Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (2001).
    ^ Woodworth 1996, p. 208.
    ^ Cushman, Stephen (2014). Belligerent Muse: Five Northern Writers and How They Shaped Our Understanding of the Civil War. UNC Press Books. pp. 5–6. ISBN 978-1-4696-1878-4.
    ^ Charles F. Ritter and Jon L. Wakelyn, eds., Leaders of the American Civil War: A Biographical and Historiographical Dictionary (1998). Provides short biographies and historiographical summaries.
    ^ Oscar Handlin; Arthur M. Schlesinger Sr.; Samuel Eliot Morison; Frederick Merk; Arthur M. Schlesinger; Paul Herman Buck (1954), Harvard Guide to American History, Belknap Press, pp. 385–98, Wikidata Q118746838
    ^ Gaines M. Foster (1988), Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause and the Emergence of the New South, 1865–1913.
    ^ Nolan, Alan T., in Gallagher, Gary W., and Alan T. Nolan, The Myth of the Lost Cause and Civil War History (2000), pp. 14–19.
    ^ Nolan, The Myth of the Lost Cause, pp. 28–29.
    ^ Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (1927), 2:54.
    ^ Richard Hofstadter (2012) [1968]. Progressive Historians. Knopf Doubleday. p. 304. ISBN 978-0-307-80960-5.
    ^ [7] Archived November 18, 2018, at the Wayback Machine Murfreesboro Post, April 27, 2007, "Hazen's Monument a rare, historic treasure." Accessed May 30, 2018.
    ^ Timothy B. Smith, "The Golden Age of Battlefield Preservation" (2008; The University of Tennessee Press).
    ^ Bob Zeller, "Fighting the Second Civil War: A History of Battlefield Preservation and the Emergence of the Civil War Trust", (2017: Knox Press)
    ^ [8] Archived August 12, 2019, at the Wayback Machine American Battlefield Trust "Saved Land" page. Accessed May 30, 2018.
    ^ Cameron McWhirter, "Civil War Battlefields Lose Ground as Tourist Draws" The Wall Street Journal May 25, 2019 Archived October 10, 2019, at the Wayback Machine
    ^ Gary Gallagher, Causes Won, Lost, and Forgotten: How Hollywood and Popular Art Shape What We Know about the Civil War (Univ of North Carolina Press, 2008).
    ^ "Debate over Ken Burns Civil War doc continues over decades | The Spokesman-Review". spokesman.com. Retrieved May 4, 2020.
    ^ Merritt, Keri Leigh. "Why We Need a New Civil War Documentary". Smithsonian Magazine. Retrieved May 4, 2020.
    ^ Bailey, Thomas and David Kennedy: The American Pageant, p. 434. 1987
    ^ Dome, Steam (1974). "A Civil War Iron Clad Car". Railroad History. 130 (Spring 1974). The Railway & Locomotive Historical Society: 51–53.
    ^ William Rattle Plum, The Military Telegraph During the Civil War in the United States, ed. Christopher H. Sterling(New York: Arno Press, 1974) vol. 1:63.
    ^ Buckley, John (2006). Air Power in the Age of Total War. Routledge. pp. 6, 24. ISBN 978-1-135-36275-1.
    ^ Sondhaus, Naval Warfare 1815–1914 p. 77.
    ^ Keegan, John (2009). The American Civil War. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 75. ISBN 978-0-307-27314-7.
    ^ Hutchison, Coleman (2015). A History of American Civil War Literature. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-316-43241-9.
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    Main article: Bibliography of the American Civil War
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    Neely, Mark E. (1993). Confederate Bastille: Jefferson Davis and Civil Liberties. Milwaukee, Wisconsin: Marquette University Press. ISBN 978-0-87462-325-3.
    Neff, Stephen C. (2010). Justice in Blue and Gray: A Legal History of the Civil War. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-1-61121-252-5.
    Nelson, James L. (2005). Reign of Iron: The Story of the First Battling Ironclads, the Monitor and the Merrimack. New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-052404-3.
    Nevins, Allan. Ordeal of the Union, an 8-volume set (1947–1971). the most detailed political, economic and military narrative; by Pulitzer Prize-winner1. Fruits of Manifest Destiny, 1847–1852 online; 2. A House Dividing, 1852–1857; 3. Douglas, Buchanan, and Party Chaos, 1857–1859; 4. Prologue to Civil War, 1859–1861; vols 5–8 have the series title War for the Union; 5. The Improvised War, 1861–1862; 6. online; War Becomes Revolution, 1862–1863; 7. The Organized War, 1863–1864; 8. The Organized War to Victory, 1864–1865
    Olsen, Christopher J. (2002). Political Culture and Secession in Mississippi: Masculinity, Honor, and the Antiparty Tradition, 1830–1860. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516097-0.
    Potter, David M. (1962b). "The Historian's Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa". American Historical Review. 67 (4): 924–50. doi:10.2307/1845246. JSTOR 1845246.
    Potter, David M.; Fehrenbacher, Don E. (1976). The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861. New York: Harper & Row. ISBN 978-0-06-013403-7.
    Richter, William L. (2009). The A to Z of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Lanham: Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-6336-1.
    Russell, Robert R. (1966). "Constitutional Doctrines with Regard to Slavery in Territories". Journal of Southern History. 32 (4): 466–86. doi:10.2307/2204926. JSTOR 2204926.
    Sheehan-Dean, Aaron. A Companion to the U.S. Civil War 2 vol. (April 2014) Wiley-Blackwell, New York ISBN 978-1-444-35131-6. 1232 pp; 64 Topical chapters by scholars and experts; emphasis on historiography.
    Stampp, Kenneth M. (1990). America in 1857: A Nation on the Brink. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-503902-3.
    Stern, Phillip Van Doren (1962). The Confederate Navy. Doubleday & Company, Inc.
    Symonds, Craig L.; Clipson, William J. (2001). The Naval Institute Historical Atlas of the U.S. Navy. Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-984-0.
    Thornton, Mark; Ekelund, Robert Burton (2004). Tariffs, Blockades, and Inflation: The Economics of the Civil War. Rowman & Littlefield.
    Tucker, Spencer C.; Pierpaoli, Paul G.; White, William E. (2010). The Civil War Naval Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-59884-338-5.
    Varon, Elizabeth R. (2008). Disunion!: The Coming of the American Civil War, 1789–1859. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-3232-5.
    Vinovskis, Maris (1990). Toward a Social History of the American Civil War: Exploratory Essays. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-39559-5.
    Ward, Geoffrey R. (1990). The Civil War: An Illustrated History. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-394-56285-8.
    Weeks, William E. (2013). The New Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-00590-7.
    Weigley, Frank Russell (2004). A Great Civil War: A Military and Political History, 1861–1865. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-33738-2.
    Welles, Gideon (1865). Secretary of the Navy's Report. Vol. 37–38. American Seamen's Friend Society.
    Winters, John D. (1963). The Civil War in Louisiana. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 978-0-8071-0834-5.
    Wise, Stephen R. (1991). Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War. University of South Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8724-97993.  Borrow book at: archive.org
    Woodworth, Steven E. (1996). The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research. Wesport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-29019-0.
    Further reading
    Further information: Bibliography of the American Civil War and Bibliography of American Civil War naval history
    Catton, Bruce (1960). The Civil War. New York: American Heritage Distributed by Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 978-0-8281-0305-3., famous best seller
    Davis, William C. (1983). Stand in the Day of Battle: The Imperiled Union: 1861–1865. Garden City, New York: Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-14895-5.
    Davis, William C. (2003). Look Away!: A History of the Confederate States of America. New York: Free Press. ISBN 978-0-7432-3499-3.
    Diffley, Kathleen, and Coleman Hutchison, eds. The Cambridge Companion to the Literature of the American Civil War and Reconstruction (Cambridge University Press, 2022).
    Donald, David; Baker, Jean H.; Holt, Michael F. (2001). The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-97427-0., a standard scholarly history
    Fellman, Michael; Gordon, Lesley J.; Sutherland, Daniel E. (2007). This Terrible War: The Civil War and its Aftermath (2nd ed.). New York: Pearson. ISBN 978-0-321-38960-2.
    Green, Fletcher M. (2008). Constitutional Development in the South Atlantic States, 1776–1860: A Study in the Evolution of Democracy. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-1-58477-928-5.
    Guelzo, Allen C. (2009). Lincoln: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-536780-5.
    Guelzo, Allen C. (2012). Fateful Lightning: A New History of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-984328-2.
    Holt, Michael F. (2005). The Fate of Their Country: Politicians, Slavery Extension, and the Coming of the Civil War. New York: Hill and Wang. ISBN 978-0-8090-4439-9.
    Huddleston, John (2002). Killing Ground: The Civil War and the Changing American Landscape. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-6773-6.
    Jones, Howard (1999). Abraham Lincoln and a New Birth of Freedom: The Union and Slavery in the Diplomacy of the Civil War. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-2582-4.
    McPherson, James M. (1992). Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. ISBN 978-0-07-045842-0.
    Murray, Robert Bruce (2003). Legal Cases of the Civil War. Stackpole Books. ISBN 978-0-8117-0059-7.
    Perman, Michael; Taylor, Amy M. (2010). Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction: Documents and Essays (3rd ed.). Boston, Massachusetts: Cengage Learning. ISBN 978-0-618-87520-7.
    Potter, David M. (1962a) [1942]. Lincoln and His Party in the Secession Crisis. New Haven: Yale University Press.
    Rhodes, John Ford (1917). History of the Civil War, 1861–1865. New York: The Macmillan Company.; Pulitzer Prize
    White, Peter B. "Rebel, Remain, or Resign? Military Elites’ Decision-Making at the Onset of the American Civil War." Journal of Conflict Resolution (2023): 00220027231185575.
    External links
    American Civil Warat Wikipedia's sister projects
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    West Point Atlas of Civil War Battles
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    The short film A House Divided (1960) is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive.
    "American Civil World" maps at the Persuasive Cartography, The PJ Mode Collection, Cornell University Library
    Statements of each state as to why they were seceding, battlefields.org
    National Park Service Civil War Places
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    War
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    Conquest of Virginia
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    Reconstruction

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    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    American Civil War
     
    Clockwise from top:Battle of Gettysburg
    Union Captain John Tidball's artillery
    Confederate prisoners
    Ironclad USS Atlanta
    Ruins of Richmond, Virginia
    Battle of Franklin
    Date
    April 12, 1861 – May 26, 1865[a][1][2]
    (4 years, 1 month and 2 weeks)
    Location
    United States, Atlantic Ocean
    Result
    Union victory

    Abolition of slavery in the United States
    Beginning of the Reconstruction era
    Passage of the Reconstruction Amendments
    Territorial
    changes
    Dissolution of the Confederate States of America
    Belligerents
      United States
      Confederate States
    Commanders and leaders
      Abraham Lincoln X
      Ulysses S. Grant
    and others...
      Jefferson Davis  
      Robert E. Lee  
    and others...
    Strength
    2,200,000[b]
    698,000 (peak)[3][4]
    750,000–1,000,000[b][5]
    360,000 (peak)[3][6]
    Casualties and losses
    110,000+  †/ (DOW)
    230,000+ accident/disease deaths[7][8]
    25,000–30,000 died in Confederate prisons[3][7]
    365,000+ total dead[9]

    282,000+ wounded[8]
    181,193 captured[10][c]
    Total: 828,000+ casualties
    94,000+  †/ (DOW)[7]
    26,000–31,000 died in Union prisons[8]
    290,000+ total dead

    137,000+ wounded
    436,658 captured[10][d]
    Total: 864,000+ casualties
    50,000 free civilians dead[11]
    80,000+ slaves dead (disease)[12]
    Total: 616,222[13]–1,000,000+ dead[14][15]
     
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    The American Civil War (April 12, 1861 – May 26, 1865; also known by other names) was a civil war in the United States between the Union[e] ("the North") and the Confederacy ("the South"), which had been formed by states that had seceded from the Union.

    The central conflict leading to the war was the dispute over whether slavery would be permitted to expand into the western territories, leading to more slave states, or be prevented from doing so, which many believed would place slavery on a course of ultimate extinction.[16]

    Decades of political controversy over slavery were brought to a head by the victory in the 1860 U.S. presidential election of Abraham Lincoln, who opposed slavery's expansion into the western territories. Seven southern slave states responded to Lincoln's victory by seceding from the United States and forming the Confederacy. The Confederacy seized U.S. forts and other federal assets within their borders. The war began when on April 12, 1861, Confederate troops fired on Fort Sumter in South Carolina's Charleston Harbor. A wave of enthusiasm for war swept over both North and South, as recruitment soared. The states in the undecided border region had to choose sides, although Kentucky declared it was neutral. Four more southern states seceded after the war began and, led by Confederate President Jefferson Davis, the Confederacy asserted control over about a third of the U.S. population in eleven states. Four years of intense combat, mostly in the South, ensued.

    During 1861–1862 in the Western Theater, the Union made significant permanent gains—though in the Eastern Theater the conflict was inconclusive. The abolition of slavery became a Union war goal on January 1, 1863, when Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, which declared all slaves in rebel states to be free, which applied to more than 3.5 million of the 4 million enslaved people in the country. To the west, the Union first destroyed the Confederacy's river navy by the summer of 1862, then much of its western armies, and seized New Orleans. The successful 1863 Union siege of Vicksburg split the Confederacy in two at the Mississippi River, while Confederate General Robert E. Lee's incursion north failed at the Battle of Gettysburg. Western successes led to General Ulysses S. Grant's command of all Union armies in 1864. Inflicting an ever-tightening naval blockade of Confederate ports, the Union marshaled resources and manpower to attack the Confederacy from all directions. This led to the fall of Atlanta in 1864 to Union General William Tecumseh Sherman, followed by his March to the Sea. The last significant battles raged around the ten-month Siege of Petersburg, gateway to the Confederate capital of Richmond. The Confederates abandoned Richmond, and on April 9, 1865, Lee surrendered to Grant following the Battle of Appomattox Court House, setting in motion the end of the war. Lincoln lived to see this victory but on April 14, he was assassinated.

    Appomattox is often referred to symbolically as the end of the war, although arguably there are several different dates for the war's conclusion. Lee's surrender to Grant set off a wave of Confederate surrenders—the last military department of the Confederacy, the Department of the Trans-Mississippi disbanded on May 26. By the end of the war, much of the South's infrastructure was destroyed. The Confederacy collapsed, slavery was abolished, and four million enslaved black people were freed. The war-torn nation then entered the Reconstruction era in an attempt to rebuild the country, bring the former Confederate states back into the United States, and grant civil rights to freed slaves.

    The Civil War is one of the most extensively studied and written about episodes in U.S. history. It remains the subject of cultural and historiographical debate. The myth of the Lost Cause of the Confederacy is often the subject of critical analysis. The American Civil War was among the first wars to use industrial warfare. Railroads, the telegraph, steamships, the ironclad warship, and mass-produced weapons were all widely used during the war. In total, the war left between 620,000 and 750,000 soldiers dead, along with an undetermined number of civilian casualties, making the Civil War the deadliest military conflict in American history.[f] The technology and brutality of the Civil War foreshadowed the coming World Wars.

    Causes of secession
    Main articles: Origins of the American Civil War and Timeline of events leading to the American Civil War
     Status of the states, 1861
       Slave states that seceded before April 15, 1861
       Slave states that seceded after April 15, 1861
       Border Southern states that permitted slavery but did not secede (both KY and MO had dual competing Confederate and Unionist governments)
       Union states that banned slavery
       Territories
    The reasons for the Southern states' decisions to secede have been historically controversial, but most scholars today identify preserving slavery as the central reason for their decision to secede.[17] Several of the seceding states' secession documents designate slavery as a motive for their departure.[16] Although some scholars have offered additional reasons for the war,[18] slavery was the central source of escalating political tensions in the 1850s.[19] The Republican Party was determined to prevent any spread of slavery to the territories, which, after they were admitted as free states, would give the free states greater representation in Congress and the Electoral College. Many Southern leaders had threatened secession if the Republican candidate, Lincoln, won the 1860 election. After Lincoln won, many Southern leaders felt that disunion was their only option, fearing that the loss of representation would hamper their ability to enact pro-slavery laws and policies.[20][21] In his second inaugural address, Lincoln said that:

    slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.[22]
    Slavery
    Main article: Slavery in the United States
    Disagreements among states about the future of slavery were the main cause of disunion and the war that followed.[23][24] Slavery had been controversial during the framing of the Constitution in 1787, which, because of compromises, ended up with proslavery and antislavery features.[25] The issue of slavery had confounded the nation since its inception and increasingly separated the United States into a slaveholding South and a free North. The issue was exacerbated by the rapid territorial expansion of the country, which repeatedly brought to the fore the question of whether new territory should be slaveholding or free. The issue had dominated politics for decades leading up to the war. Key attempts to resolve the matter included the Missouri Compromise and the Compromise of 1850, but these only postponed the showdown over slavery that would lead to the Civil War.[26]

    The motivations of the average person were not necessarily those of their faction;[27][28] some Northern soldiers were indifferent on the subject of slavery, but a general pattern can be established.[29] As the war dragged on, more and more Unionists came to support the abolition of slavery, whether on moral grounds or as a means to cripple the Confederacy.[30] Confederate soldiers fought the war primarily to protect a Southern society of which slavery was an integral part.[31][32] Opponents of slavery considered slavery an anachronistic evil incompatible with republicanism. The strategy of the anti-slavery forces was containment—to stop the expansion of slavery and thereby put it on a path to ultimate extinction.[33] The slaveholding interests in the South denounced this strategy as infringing upon their constitutional rights.[34] With large percentages of their populations in slavery, southern whites saw abolition as inconceivable and believed that the emancipation of slaves would destroy southern families, society, and the South's economy, with large amounts of capital invested in slaves and longstanding fears of a free black population.[35] In particular, many Southerners feared a repeat of the 1804 Haitian massacre (referred to at the time as "the horrors of Santo Domingo"),[36][37] in which former slaves systematically murdered most of what was left of the country's white population after the successful slave revolt in Haiti. Historian Thomas Fleming points to the historical phrase "a disease in the public mind" used by critics of this idea and proposes it contributed to the segregation in the Jim Crow era following emancipation.[38] These fears were exacerbated by the 1859 attempt by John Brown to instigate an armed slave rebellion in the South.[39]

    Abolitionists
    Main article: Abolitionism in the United States
    The abolitionists—those advocating the end of slavery—were active in the decades leading up to the Civil War. They traced their philosophical roots back to some of the Puritans, who believed that slavery was morally wrong. One of the early Puritan writings on this subject was The Selling of Joseph, by Samuel Sewall in 1700. In it, Sewall condemned slavery and the slave trade and refuted many of the era's typical justifications for slavery.[40][41]

    The American Revolution and the cause of liberty added tremendous impetus to the abolitionist cause. Even in Southern states, laws were changed to limit slavery and facilitate manumission. The amount of indentured servitude dropped dramatically throughout the country. An Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves sailed through Congress with little opposition. President Thomas Jefferson supported it, and it went into effect on January 1, 1808, which was the first day that the Constitution (Article I, section 9, clause 1) permitted Congress to prohibit the importation of slaves. Benjamin Franklin and James Madison each helped found manumission societies. Influenced by the American Revolution, many slave owners freed their slaves, but some, such as George Washington, did so only in their wills. The number of free black people as a proportion of the black population in the upper South increased from less than one percent to nearly 10 percent between 1790 and 1810 as a result of these actions.[42][43][44][45][46][47]

    The establishment of the Northwest Territory as "free soil"—no slavery—by Manasseh Cutler and Rufus Putnam (who both came from Puritan New England) would also prove crucial. This territory (which became the states of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and part of Minnesota) virtually doubled the size of the United States. If those states had been slave states and voted for Abraham Lincoln's chief opponent in 1860, Lincoln would not have become president.[48][49][41]

     Frederick Douglass, a former slave, was a leading abolitionist
    In the decades leading up to the Civil War, abolitionists, such as Theodore Parker, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, and Frederick Douglass, repeatedly used the Puritan heritage of the country to bolster their cause. The most radical anti-slavery newspaper, The Liberator, invoked the Puritans and Puritan values over a thousand times. Parker, in urging New England congressmen to support the abolition of slavery, wrote, "The son of the Puritan ... is sent to Congress to stand up for Truth and Right."[50][51] Literature served as a means to spread the message to common folks. Key works included Twelve Years a Slave, the Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, American Slavery as It Is, and the most important: Uncle Tom's Cabin, the best-selling book of the 19th century aside from the Bible.[52][53][54]

    A more unusual abolitionist than those named above was Hinton Rowan Helper, whose 1857 book, The Impending Crisis of the South: How to Meet It, "[e]ven more perhaps than Uncle Tom's Cabin ... fed the fires of sectional controversy leading up to the Civil War."[55] A Southerner and a virulent racist, Helper was nevertheless an abolitionist because he believed, and showed with statistics, that slavery "impeded the progress and prosperity of the South, ... dwindled our commerce, and other similar pursuits, into the most contemptible insignificance; sunk a large majority of our people in galling poverty and ignorance, ... [and] entailed upon us a humiliating dependence on the Free States...."[56]

    By 1840 more than 15,000 people were members of abolitionist societies in the United States. Abolitionism in the United States became a popular expression of moralism, and led directly to the Civil War. In churches, conventions and newspapers, reformers promoted an absolute and immediate rejection of slavery.[57][58] Support for abolition among the religious was not universal though. As the war approached, even the main denominations split along political lines, forming rival Southern and Northern churches. For example, in 1845 the Baptists split into the Northern Baptists and Southern Baptists over the issue of slavery.[59][60]

    Abolitionist sentiment was not strictly religious or moral in origin. The Whig Party became increasingly opposed to slavery because it saw it as inherently against the ideals of capitalism and the free market. Whig leader William H. Seward (who would serve as Lincoln's secretary of state) proclaimed that there was an "irrepressible conflict" between slavery and free labor, and that slavery had left the South backward and undeveloped.[61] As the Whig party dissolved in the 1850s, the mantle of abolition fell to its newly formed successor, the Republican Party.[62]

    Territorial crisis
    Further information: Slave states and free states
    Manifest destiny heightened the conflict over slavery. Each new territory acquired had to face the thorny question of whether to allow or disallow the "peculiar institution".[63] Between 1803 and 1854, the United States achieved a vast expansion of territory through purchase, negotiation, and conquest. At first, the new states carved out of these territories entering the union were apportioned equally between slave and free states. Pro- and anti-slavery forces collided over the territories west of the Mississippi River.[64]

    The Mexican–American War and its aftermath was a key territorial event in the leadup to the war.[65] As the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo finalized the conquest of northern Mexico west to California in 1848, slaveholding interests looked forward to expanding into these lands and perhaps Cuba and Central America as well.[66][67] Prophetically, Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote that "Mexico will poison us", referring to the ensuing divisions around whether the newly conquered lands would end up slave or free.[68] Northern free-soil interests vigorously sought to curtail any further expansion of slave territory. The Compromise of 1850 over California balanced a free-soil state with a stronger federal fugitive slave law for a political settlement after four years of strife in the 1840s. But the states admitted following California were all free: Minnesota (1858), Oregon (1859), and Kansas (1861). In the Southern states, the question of the territorial expansion of slavery westward again became explosive.[69] Both the South and the North drew the same conclusion: "The power to decide the question of slavery for the territories was the power to determine the future of slavery itself."[70][71] Soon after the Utah Territory legalized slavery in 1852, the Utah War of 1857 saw Mormon settlers in the Utah territory fighting the US government.[72][73]

     
    Sen. Stephen A. Douglas, author of the Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854
     
    Sen. John J. Crittenden, of the 1860 Crittenden Compromise
    By 1860, four doctrines had emerged to answer the question of federal control in the territories, and they all claimed they were sanctioned by the Constitution, implicitly or explicitly.[74] The first of these theories, represented by the Constitutional Union Party, argued that the Missouri Compromise apportionment of territory north for free soil and south for slavery should become a constitutional mandate. The failed Crittenden Compromise of 1860 was an expression of this view.[75]

    The second doctrine of congressional preeminence was championed by Abraham Lincoln and the Republican Party. It insisted that the Constitution did not bind legislators to a policy of balance—that slavery could be excluded in a territory, as it was in the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, at the discretion of Congress.[76] Thus Congress could restrict human bondage, but never establish it. The ill-fated Wilmot Proviso announced this position in 1846.[77] The Proviso was a pivotal moment in national politics, as it was the first time slavery had become a major congressional issue based on sectionalism, instead of party lines. Its support by Northern Democrats and Whigs, and opposition by Southerners, was a dark omen of coming divisions.[78]

    Senator Stephen A. Douglas proclaimed the third doctrine: territorial or "popular" sovereignty, which asserted that the settlers in a territory had the same rights as states in the Union to allow or disallow slavery as a purely local matter.[79] The Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854 legislated this doctrine.[80] In the Kansas Territory, political conflict spawned "Bleeding Kansas", a five-year paramilitary conflict between pro- and anti-slavery supporters. The U.S. House of Representatives voted to admit Kansas as a free state in early 1860, but its admission did not pass the Senate until January 1861, after the departure of Southern senators.[81]

    The fourth doctrine was advocated by Mississippi Senator (and soon to be Confederate President) Jefferson Davis.[82] It was one of state sovereignty ("states' rights"),[83] also known as the "Calhoun doctrine",[84] named after the South Carolinian political theorist and statesman John C. Calhoun.[85] Rejecting the arguments for federal authority or self-government, state sovereignty would empower states to promote the expansion of slavery as part of the federal union under the U.S. Constitution.[86] These four doctrines comprised the dominant ideologies presented to the American public on the matters of slavery, the territories, and the U.S. Constitution before the 1860 presidential election.[87]

    States' rights
    A long-running dispute over the origin of the Civil War is to what extent states' rights triggered the conflict. The consensus among historians is that the Civil War was not fought about states' rights.[88][89][90][91] But the issue is frequently referenced in popular accounts of the war and has much traction among Southerners. Southerners advocating secession argued that just as each state had decided to join the Union, a state had the right to secede—leave the Union—at any time. Northerners (including pro-slavery President Buchanan) rejected that notion as opposed to the will of the Founding Fathers, who said they were setting up a perpetual union.[92]

    Historian James McPherson points out that even if Confederates genuinely fought over states' rights, it boiled down to states' right to slavery.[91] McPherson writes concerning states' rights and other non-slavery explanations:

    While one or more of these interpretations remain popular among the Sons of Confederate Veterans and other Southern heritage groups, few professional historians now subscribe to them. Of all these interpretations, the states'-rights argument is perhaps the weakest. It fails to ask the question, states' rights for what purpose? States' rights, or sovereignty, was always more a means than an end, an instrument to achieve a certain goal more than a principle.[91]
    States' rights was an ideology formulated and applied as a means of advancing slave state interests through federal authority.[93] As historian Thomas L. Krannawitter points out, the "Southern demand for federal slave protection represented a demand for an unprecedented expansion of Federal power."[94][95] Before the Civil War, slavery advocates supported the use of federal powers to enforce and extend slavery, as with the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 and the Dred Scott v. Sandford decision.[96][97] The faction that pushed for secession often infringed on states' rights. Because of the overrepresentation of pro-slavery factions in the federal government, many Northerners, even non-abolitionists, feared the Slave Power conspiracy.[96][97] Some Northern states resisted the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act. Historian Eric Foner states that the act "could hardly have been designed to arouse greater opposition in the North. It overrode numerous state and local laws and legal procedures and 'commanded' individual citizens to assist, when called upon, in capturing runaways." He continues, "It certainly did not reveal, on the part of slaveholders, sensitivity to states' rights."[89] According to historian Paul Finkelman, "the southern states mostly complained that the northern states were asserting their states' rights and that the national government was not powerful enough to counter these northern claims."[90] The Confederate Constitution also "federally" required slavery to be legal in all Confederate states and claimed territories.[88][98]

    Sectionalism
     Ambrotype of two unidentified young boys, one in blue Union cap, one in gray Confederate cap (Liljenquist collection, Library of Congress)
    Sectionalism resulted from the different economies, social structure, customs, and political values of the North and South.[99][100] Regional tensions came to a head during the War of 1812, resulting in the Hartford Convention, which manifested Northern dissatisfaction with a foreign trade embargo that affected the industrial North disproportionately, the Three-Fifths Compromise, dilution of Northern power by new states, and a succession of Southern presidents. Sectionalism increased steadily between 1800 and 1860 as the North, which phased slavery out of existence, industrialized, urbanized, and built prosperous farms, while the deep South concentrated on plantation agriculture based on slave labor, together with subsistence agriculture for poor whites. In the 1840s and 1850s, the issue of accepting slavery (in the guise of rejecting slave-owning bishops and missionaries) split the nation's largest religious denominations (the Methodist, Baptist, and Presbyterian churches) into separate Northern and Southern denominations.[101]

    Historians have debated whether economic differences between the mainly industrial North and the mainly agricultural South helped cause the war. Most historians now disagree with the economic determinism of historian Charles A. Beard in the 1920s, and emphasize that Northern and Southern economies were largely complementary. While socially different, the sections economically benefited each other.[102][103]

    Protectionism
    Owners of slaves preferred low-cost manual labor and free trade, while Northern manufacturing interests supported mechanized labor along with tariffs and protectionism.[104] The Democrats in Congress, controlled by Southerners, wrote the tariff laws in the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s, and kept reducing rates so that the 1857 rates were the lowest since 1816. The Republicans called for an increase in tariffs in the 1860 election. These increases were enacted in 1861, after Southerners resigned their seats in Congress.[105][106] The tariff issue was a Northern grievance, but neo-Confederate writers have claimed it was a Southern grievance. In 1860–61 none of the groups that proposed compromises to head off secession raised the tariff issue.[107] Pamphleteers from the North and the South rarely mentioned the tariff.[108]

    Nationalism and honor
    Nationalism was a powerful force in the early 19th century, with famous spokesmen such as Andrew Jackson and Daniel Webster. While practically all Northerners supported the Union, Southerners were split between those loyal to the entirety of the United States (called "Southern Unionists") and those loyal primarily to the Southern region and then the Confederacy.[109]

    Perceived insults to Southern collective honor included the enormous popularity of Uncle Tom's Cabin and abolitionist John Brown's attempt to incite a slave rebellion in 1859.[110][111]

    While the South moved towards a Southern nationalism, leaders in the North were also becoming more nationally minded, and they rejected any notion of splitting the Union. The Republican national electoral platform of 1860 warned that Republicans regarded disunion as treason and would not tolerate it.[112] The South ignored the warnings; Southerners did not realize how ardently the North would fight to hold the Union together.[113]

    Lincoln's election
    Main article: 1860 United States presidential election
     Mathew Brady's Portrait of Abraham Lincoln, 1860
    The election of Abraham Lincoln in November 1860 was the final trigger for secession.[114] Southern leaders feared that Lincoln would stop the expansion of slavery and put it on a course toward extinction.[115] However, Lincoln would not be inaugurated until five months after the election, which gave the South time to secede and prepare for war in the winter and spring of 1861.[116]

    According to Lincoln, the American people had shown that they had been successful in establishing and administering a republic, but a third challenge faced the nation: maintaining a republic based on the people's vote, in the face of an attempt to destroy it.[117]

    Outbreak of the war
    Secession crisis
    The election of Lincoln provoked the legislature of South Carolina to call a state convention to consider secession. Before the war, South Carolina did more than any other Southern state to advance the notion that a state had the right to nullify federal laws, and even to secede from the United States. The convention unanimously voted to secede on December 20, 1860, and adopted a secession declaration. It argued for states' rights for slave owners in the South but complained about states' rights in the North in the form of opposition to the federal Fugitive Slave Act, claiming that Northern states were not fulfilling their obligations under the act to assist in the return of fugitive slaves. The "cotton states" of Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas followed suit, seceding in January and February 1861.[118]

    Among the ordinances of secession passed by the individual states, those of three—Texas, Alabama, and Virginia—specifically mentioned the plight of the "slaveholding states" at the hands of Northern abolitionists. The rest make no mention of the slavery issue and are often brief announcements of the dissolution of ties by the legislatures.[119] However, at least four states—South Carolina,[120] Mississippi,[121] Georgia,[122] and Texas[123]—also passed lengthy and detailed explanations of their reasons for secession, all of which laid the blame squarely on the movement to abolish slavery and that movement's influence over the politics of the Northern states. The Southern states believed slaveholding was a constitutional right because of the Fugitive Slave Clause of the Constitution. These states agreed to form a new federal government, the Confederate States of America, on February 4, 1861.[124] They took control of federal forts and other properties within their boundaries with little resistance from outgoing President James Buchanan, whose term ended on March 4, 1861. Buchanan said that the Dred Scott decision was proof that the South had no reason for secession, and that the Union "was intended to be perpetual", but that "The power by force of arms to compel a State to remain in the Union" was not among the "enumerated powers granted to Congress".[125] One-quarter of the U.S. Army—the entire garrison in Texas—was surrendered in February 1861 to state forces by its commanding general, David E. Twiggs, who then joined the Confederacy.[126]

    As Southerners resigned their seats in the Senate and the House, Republicans were able to pass projects that had been blocked by Southern senators before the war. These included the Morrill Tariff, land grant colleges (the Morrill Act), a Homestead Act, a transcontinental railroad (the Pacific Railroad Acts),[127] the National Bank Act, the authorization of United States Notes by the Legal Tender Act of 1862, and the ending of slavery in the District of Columbia. The Revenue Act of 1861 introduced the income tax to help finance the war.[128]

     Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America (1861–1865)
    In December 1860, the Crittenden Compromise was proposed to re-establish the Missouri Compromise line by constitutionally banning slavery in territories to the north of the line while permitting it to the south. The adoption of this compromise likely would have prevented the secession of the Southern states, but Lincoln and the Republicans rejected it.[129] Lincoln stated that any compromise that would extend slavery would in time bring down the Union.[130] A pre-war February Peace Conference of 1861 met in Washington, proposing a solution similar to that of the Crittenden Compromise; it was rejected by Congress. The Republicans proposed the Corwin Amendment, an alternative compromise not to interfere with slavery where it existed, but the South regarded it as insufficient. Nonetheless, the remaining eight slave states rejected pleas to join the Confederacy following a two-to-one no-vote in Virginia's First Secessionist Convention on April 4, 1861.[131]

    On March 4, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was sworn in as president. In his inaugural address, he argued that the Constitution was a more perfect union than the earlier Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, that it was a binding contract, and called any secession "legally void".[132] He had no intent to invade Southern states, nor did he intend to end slavery where it existed, but said that he would use force to maintain possession of federal property,[132] including forts, arsenals, mints, and customhouses that had been seized by the Southern states.[133] The government would make no move to recover post offices, and if resisted, mail delivery would end at state lines. Where popular conditions did not allow peaceful enforcement of federal law, U.S. marshals and judges would be withdrawn. No mention was made of bullion lost from U.S. mints in Louisiana, Georgia, and North Carolina. He stated that it would be U.S. policy to only collect import duties at its ports; there could be no serious injury to the South to justify the armed revolution during his administration. His speech closed with a plea for restoration of the bonds of union, famously calling on "the mystic chords of memory" binding the two regions.[132]

    The Davis government of the new Confederacy sent three delegates to Washington to negotiate a peace treaty with the United States of America. Lincoln rejected any negotiations with Confederate agents because he claimed the Confederacy was not a legitimate government, and that making any treaty with it would be tantamount to recognition of it as a sovereign government.[134] Lincoln instead attempted to negotiate directly with the governors of individual seceded states, whose administrations he continued to recognize.[135]

    Complicating Lincoln's attempts to defuse the crisis were the actions of the new Secretary of State, William Seward. Seward had been Lincoln's main rival for the Republican presidential nomination. Shocked and embittered by this defeat, Seward agreed to support Lincoln's candidacy only after he was guaranteed the executive office that was considered at that time to be the most powerful and important after the presidency itself. Even in the early stages of Lincoln's presidency Seward still held little regard for the new chief executive due to his perceived inexperience, and therefore Seward viewed himself as the de facto head of government or "prime minister" behind the throne of Lincoln. In this role, Seward attempted to engage in unauthorized and indirect negotiations that failed.[134] However, President Lincoln was determined to hold all remaining Union-occupied forts in the Confederacy: Fort Monroe in Virginia, Fort Pickens, Fort Jefferson, and Fort Taylor in Florida, and Fort Sumter in South Carolina.[136][citation needed]

    Battle of Fort Sumter
    Main article: Battle of Fort Sumter
    See also: President Lincoln's 75,000 volunteers
     The Battle of Fort Sumter, as depicted by Currier and Ives
    The American Civil War began on April 12, 1861, when Confederate forces opened fire on the Union-held Fort Sumter. Fort Sumter is located in the middle of the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina.[137] Its status had been contentious for months. Outgoing President Buchanan had dithered in reinforcing the Union garrison in the harbor, which was under the command of Major Robert Anderson. Anderson took matters into his own hands and on December 26, 1860, under the cover of darkness, sailed the garrison from the poorly placed Fort Moultrie to the stalwart island Fort Sumter.[138] Anderson's actions catapulted him to hero status in the North. An attempt to resupply the fort on January 9, 1861, failed and nearly started the war then and there. But an informal truce held.[139] On March 5, the newly sworn-in Lincoln was informed that the fort was running low on supplies.[140]

    Fort Sumter proved to be one of the main challenges of the new Lincoln administration.[140] Back-channel dealing by Secretary of State Seward with the Confederates undermined Lincoln's decision-making; Seward wanted to pull out of the fort.[141] But a firm hand by Lincoln tamed Seward, and Seward became one of Lincoln's staunchest allies. Lincoln ultimately decided that holding the fort, which would require reinforcing it, was the only workable option. Thus, on April 6, Lincoln informed the Governor of South Carolina that a ship with food but no ammunition would attempt to supply the fort. Historian McPherson describes this win-win approach as "the first sign of the mastery that would mark Lincoln's presidency"; the Union would win if it could resupply and hold onto the fort, and the South would be the aggressor if it opened fire on an unarmed ship supplying starving men.[142] An April 9 Confederate cabinet meeting resulted in President Davis's ordering General P. G. T. Beauregard to take the fort before supplies could reach it.[143]

    At 4:30 am on April 12, Confederate forces fired the first of 4,000 shells at the fort; it fell the next day. The loss of Fort Sumter lit a patriotic fire under the North.[144] On April 15, Lincoln called on the states to field 75,000 volunteer troops for 90 days; impassioned Union states met the quotas quickly.[145] On May 3, 1861, Lincoln called for an additional 42,000 volunteers for a period of three years.[146][147] Shortly after this, Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas, and North Carolina seceded and joined the Confederacy. To reward Virginia, the Confederate capital was moved to Richmond.[148]

    Attitude of the border states
    Main article: Border states (American Civil War)
     US Secession map. The Union vs. the Confederacy.   Union states
       Union territories not permitting slavery
       Southern Border Union states, permitting slavery
    (One of these states, West Virginia, was created in 1863, while KY and MO had dual competing Confederate and Unionist governments)   Confederate states
       Union territories that permitted slavery (claimed by Confederacy) at the start of the war, but where slavery was outlawed by the U.S. in 1862
    Maryland, Delaware, Missouri, and Kentucky were slave states whose people had divided loyalties to Northern and Southern businesses and family members. Some men enlisted in the Union Army and others in the Confederate Army.[149] West Virginia separated from Virginia and was admitted to the Union on June 20, 1863.[150]

    Maryland's territory surrounded the United States' capital of Washington, D.C., and could cut it off from the North.[151] It had numerous anti-Lincoln officials who tolerated anti-army rioting in Baltimore and the burning of bridges, both aimed at hindering the passage of troops to the South. Maryland's legislature voted overwhelmingly (53–13) to stay in the Union, but also rejected hostilities with its southern neighbors, voting to close Maryland's rail lines to prevent them from being used for war.[152] Lincoln responded by establishing martial law and unilaterally suspending habeas corpus in Maryland, along with sending in militia units from the North.[153] Lincoln rapidly took control of Maryland and the District of Columbia by seizing many prominent figures, including arresting 1/3 of the members of the Maryland General Assembly on the day it reconvened.[152][154] All were held without trial, with Lincoln ignoring a ruling on June 1, 1861, by U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice Roger Taney, not speaking for the Court,[155] that only Congress (and not the president) could suspend habeas corpus (Ex parte Merryman). Federal troops imprisoned a prominent Baltimore newspaper editor, Frank Key Howard (grandson of Francis Scott Key), after he criticized Lincoln in an editorial for ignoring Taney's ruling.[156]

    In Missouri, an elected convention on secession voted decisively to remain within the Union. When pro-Confederate Governor Claiborne F. Jackson called out the state militia, it was attacked by federal forces under General Nathaniel Lyon, who chased the governor and the rest of the State Guard to the southwestern corner of the state (see also: Missouri secession). Early in the war the Confederacy controlled the southern portion of Missouri through the Confederate government of Missouri but was largely driven out of the state after 1862. In the resulting vacuum, the convention on secession reconvened and took power as the Unionist provisional government of Missouri.[157]

    Kentucky did not secede; for a time, it declared itself neutral. When Confederate forces entered the state in September 1861, neutrality ended and the state reaffirmed its Union status while maintaining slavery. During a brief invasion by Confederate forces in 1861, Confederate sympathizers and delegates from 68 Kentucky counties organized a secession convention at the Russellville Convention, formed the shadow Confederate Government of Kentucky, inaugurated a governor, and gained recognition from the Confederacy and Kentucky was formally admitted into the Confederacy on December 10, 1861. Its jurisdiction extended only as far as Confederate battle lines in the Commonwealth which at its greatest extent was over half the state, and it went into exile after October 1862.[158]

    After Virginia's secession, a Unionist government in Wheeling asked 48 counties to vote on an ordinance to create a new state on October 24, 1861. A voter turnout of 34 percent approved the statehood bill (96 percent approving).[159] Twenty-four secessionist counties were included in the new state,[160] and the ensuing guerrilla war engaged about 40,000 federal troops for much of the war.[161][162] Congress admitted West Virginia to the Union on June 20, 1863. West Virginia provided about 20,000–22,000 soldiers to both the Confederacy and the Union.[163]

    A Unionist secession attempt occurred in East Tennessee, but was suppressed by the Confederacy, which arrested over 3,000 men suspected of being loyal to the Union. They were held without trial.[164]

    War
    See also: List of American Civil War battles and Military leadership in the American Civil War
    The Civil War was a contest marked by the ferocity and frequency of battle. Over four years, 237 named battles were fought, as were many more minor actions and skirmishes, which were often characterized by their bitter intensity and high casualties. In his book The American Civil War, British historian John Keegan writes that "The American Civil War was to prove one of the most ferocious wars ever fought". In many cases, without geographic objectives, the only target for each side was the enemy's soldier.[165]

    Mobilization
    See also: Economic history of the United States Civil War
     Rioters attacking a building during the New York anti-draft riots of 1863
    As the first seven states began organizing a Confederacy in Montgomery, the entire U.S. army numbered 16,000. However, Northern governors had begun to mobilize their militias.[166] The Confederate Congress authorized the new nation up to 100,000 troops sent by governors as early as February. By May, Jefferson Davis was pushing for 100,000 soldiers for one year or the duration, and that was answered in kind by the U.S. Congress.[167][168][169]

    In the first year of the war, both sides had far more volunteers than they could effectively train and equip. After the initial enthusiasm faded, reliance on the cohort of young men who came of age every year and wanted to join was not enough. Both sides used a draft law—conscription—as a device to encourage or force volunteering; relatively few were drafted and served. The Confederacy passed a draft law in April 1862 for young men aged 18 to 35; overseers of slaves, government officials, and clergymen were exempt. The U.S. Congress followed in July, authorizing a militia draft within a state when it could not meet its quota with volunteers. European immigrants joined the Union Army in large numbers, including 177,000 born in Germany and 144,000 born in Ireland.[170]

    When the Emancipation Proclamation went into effect in January 1863, ex-slaves were energetically recruited by the states and used to meet the state quotas. States and local communities offered higher and higher cash bonuses for white volunteers. Congress tightened the law in March 1863. Men selected in the draft could provide substitutes or, until mid-1864, pay commutation money. Many eligibles pooled their money to cover the cost of anyone drafted. Families used the substitute provision to select which man should go into the army and which should stay home. There was much evasion and overt resistance to the draft, especially in Catholic areas. The draft riot in New York City in July 1863 involved Irish immigrants who had been signed up as citizens to swell the vote of the city's Democratic political machine, not realizing it made them liable for the draft.[171] Of the 168,649 men procured for the Union through the draft, 117,986 were substitutes, leaving only 50,663 who had their services conscripted.[172]

    In both the North and South, the draft laws were highly unpopular. In the North, some 120,000 men evaded conscription, many of them fleeing to Canada, and another 280,000 soldiers deserted during the war.[173] At least 100,000 Southerners deserted, or about 10 percent; Southern desertion was high because, according to one historian writing in 1991, the highly localized Southern identity meant that many Southern men had little investment in the outcome of the war, with individual soldiers caring more about the fate of their local area than any grand ideal.[174] In the North, "bounty jumpers" enlisted to get the generous bonus, deserted, then went back to a second recruiting station under a different name to sign up again for a second bonus; 141 were caught and executed.[175]

    From a tiny frontier force in 1860, the Union and Confederate armies had grown into the "largest and most efficient armies in the world" within a few years. Some European observers at the time dismissed them as amateur and unprofessional,[176] but historian John Keegan concluded that each outmatched the French, Prussian, and Russian armies of the time, and without the Atlantic, would have threatened any of them with defeat.[177]

    Prisoners
    Main article: American Civil War prison camps
    At the start of the Civil War, a system of paroles operated. Captives agreed not to fight until they were officially exchanged. Meanwhile, they were held in camps run by their army. They were paid, but they were not allowed to perform any military duties.[178] The system of exchanges collapsed in 1863 when the Confederacy refused to exchange black prisoners. After that, about 56,000 of the 409,000 POWs died in prisons during the war, accounting for nearly 10 percent of the conflict's fatalities.[179]

    Women
    See also: Women in the military § United States, and Gender issues in the American Civil War
    Historian Elizabeth D. Leonard writes that, according to various estimates, between five hundred and one thousand women enlisted as soldiers on both sides of the war, disguised as men.[180]: 165, 310–11  Women also served as spies, resistance activists, nurses, and hospital personnel.[180]: 240  Women served on the Union hospital ship Red Rover and nursed Union and Confederate troops at field hospitals.[181]

    Mary Edwards Walker, the only woman ever to receive the Medal of Honor, served in the Union Army and was given the medal for her efforts to treat the wounded during the war. Her name was deleted from the Army Medal of Honor Roll in 1917 (along with over 900 other Medal of Honor recipients); however, it was restored in 1977.[182][183]

    Naval tactics
     Battle between the USS Monitor and Merrimack
    The small U.S. Navy of 1861 was rapidly enlarged to 6,000 officers and 45,000 sailors in 1865, with 671 vessels, having a tonnage of 510,396.[184][185] Its mission was to blockade Confederate ports, take control of the river system, defend against Confederate raiders on the high seas, and be ready for a possible war with the British Royal Navy.[186] Meanwhile, the main riverine war was fought in the West, where a series of major rivers gave access to the Confederate heartland. The U.S. Navy eventually gained control of the Red, Tennessee, Cumberland, Mississippi, and Ohio rivers. In the East, the Navy shelled Confederate forts and provided support for coastal army operations.[187]

    The Civil War occurred during the early stages of the industrial revolution. Many naval innovations emerged during this time, most notably the advent of the ironclad warship. It began when the Confederacy, knowing they had to meet or match the Union's naval superiority, responded to the Union blockade by building or converting more than 130 vessels, including twenty-six ironclads and floating batteries.[188] Only half of these saw active service. Many were equipped with ram bows, creating "ram fever" among Union squadrons wherever they threatened. But in the face of overwhelming Union superiority and the Union's ironclad warships, they were unsuccessful.[189]

    In addition to ocean-going warships coming up the Mississippi, the Union Navy used timberclads, tinclads, and armored gunboats. Shipyards at Cairo, Illinois, and St. Louis built new boats or modified steamboats for action.[190]

    The Confederacy experimented with the submarine CSS Hunley, which did not work satisfactorily,[191] and with building an ironclad ship, CSS Virginia, which was based on rebuilding a sunken Union ship, Merrimack. On its first foray, on March 8, 1862, Virginia inflicted significant damage to the Union's wooden fleet, but the next day the first Union ironclad, USS Monitor, arrived to challenge it in the Chesapeake Bay. The resulting three-hour Battle of Hampton Roads was a draw, but it proved that ironclads were effective warships.[192] Not long after the battle, the Confederacy was forced to scuttle the Virginia to prevent its capture, while the Union built many copies of the Monitor. Lacking the technology and infrastructure to build effective warships, the Confederacy attempted to obtain warships from Great Britain. However, this failed, because Great Britain had no interest in selling warships to a nation that was at war with a stronger enemy, and doing so could sour relations with the U.S.[193]

    Union blockade
    Main article: Union blockade
     General Scott's "Anaconda Plan" 1861. Tightening naval blockade, forcing rebels out of Missouri along the Mississippi River, Kentucky Unionists sit on the fence, idled cotton industry illustrated in Georgia.
    By early 1861, General Winfield Scott had devised the Anaconda Plan to win the war with as little bloodshed as possible, which called for blockading the Confederacy and slowly suffocating the South to surrender.[194] Lincoln adopted parts of the plan, but chose to prosecute a more active vision of war.[195] In April 1861, Lincoln announced the Union blockade of all Southern ports; commercial ships could not get insurance and regular traffic ended. The South blundered in embargoing cotton exports in 1861 before the blockade was effective; by the time they realized the mistake, it was too late. "King Cotton" was dead, as the South could export less than 10 percent of its cotton. The blockade shut down the ten Confederate seaports with railheads that moved almost all the cotton, especially New Orleans, Mobile, and Charleston. By June 1861, warships were stationed off the principal Southern ports, and a year later nearly 300 ships were in service.[196]

    Blockade runners
    Main article: Blockade runners of the American Civil War
     Gunline of nine Union ironclads. South Atlantic Blockading Squadron off Charleston. Continuous blockade of all major ports was sustained by North's overwhelming war production.
    The Confederates began the war short on military supplies and in desperate need of large quantities of arms which the agrarian South could not provide. Arms manufactures in the industrial North were restricted by an arms embargo, keeping shipments of arms from going to the South, and ending all existing and future contracts. The Confederacy subsequently looked to foreign sources for their enormous military needs and sought out financiers and companies like S. Isaac, Campbell & Company and the London Armoury Company in Britain, who acted as purchasing agents for the Confederacy, connecting them with Britain's many arms manufactures, and ultimately becoming the Confederacy's main source of arms.[197][198]

    To get the arms safely to the Confederacy, British investors built small, fast, steam-driven blockade runners that traded arms and supplies brought in from Britain through Bermuda, Cuba, and the Bahamas in return for high-priced cotton. Many of the ships were lightweight and designed for speed and could only carry a relatively small amount of cotton back to England.[199] When the Union Navy seized a blockade runner, the ship and cargo were condemned as a prize of war and sold, with the proceeds given to the Navy sailors; the captured crewmen were mostly British, and they were released.[200]

    Economic impact
    The Southern economy nearly collapsed during the war. There were multiple reasons for this: the severe deterioration of food supplies, especially in cities, the failure of Southern railroads, the loss of control of the main rivers, foraging by Northern armies, and the seizure of animals and crops by Confederate armies.[201] Most historians agree that the blockade was a major factor in ruining the Confederate economy; however, Wise argues that the blockade runners provided just enough of a lifeline to allow Lee to continue fighting for additional months, thanks to fresh supplies of 400,000 rifles, lead, blankets, and boots that the homefront economy could no longer supply.[201]

    Surdam argues that the blockade was a powerful weapon that eventually ruined the Southern economy, at the cost of few lives in combat. Practically, the entire Confederate cotton crop was useless (although it was sold to Union traders), costing the Confederacy its main source of income. Critical imports were scarce and the coastal trade was largely ended as well.[202] The measure of the blockade's success was not the few ships that slipped through, but the thousands that never tried it. Merchant ships owned in Europe could not get insurance and were too slow to evade the blockade, so they stopped calling at Confederate ports.[203]

    To fight an offensive war, the Confederacy purchased arms in Britain and converted British-built ships into commerce raiders. Purchasing arms involved the smuggling of 600,000 arms (mostly British Enfield rifles) that enabled the Confederate Army to fight on for two more years[204][205] and the commerce raiders were used in raiding U.S. Merchant Marine ships in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Insurance rates skyrocketed and the American flag virtually disappeared from international waters. However, the same ships were reflagged with European flags and continued unmolested.[189] After the war ended, the U.S. government demanded that Britain compensate it for the damage done by blockade runners and raiders outfitted in British ports. Britain partly acquiesced to the demand, paying the U.S. $15 million in 1871 only for commerce raiding.[206]

    Dinçaslan argues that another outcome of the blockade was oil's rise to prominence as a widely used and traded commodity. The already declining whale oil industry took a blow as many old whaling ships were used in blockade efforts such as the Stone Fleet, and Confederate raiders harassing Union whalers aggravated the situation. Oil products that had been treated mostly as lubricants, especially kerosene, started to replace whale oil used in lamps and essentially became a fuel commodity. This increased the importance of oil as a commodity, long before its eventual use as fuel for combustion engines.[207]

    Diplomacy
    Main article: Diplomacy of the American Civil War
    Further information: United Kingdom and the American Civil War and France and the American Civil War
     A December 1861 cartoon in Punch magazine in London ridicules American aggressiveness in the Trent Affair. John Bull, at right, warns Uncle Sam, "You do what's right, my son, or I'll blow you out of the water."
    Although the Confederacy hoped that Britain and France would join them against the Union, this was never likely, and so they instead tried to bring the British and French governments in as mediators.[208][209] The Union, under Lincoln and Seward, worked to block this and threatened war if any country officially recognized the existence of the Confederate States of America. In 1861, Southerners voluntarily embargoed cotton shipments, hoping to start an economic depression in Europe that would force Britain to enter the war to get cotton, but this did not work. Worse, Europe turned to Egypt and India for cotton, which they found superior, hindering the South's recovery after the war.[210][211]

    Cotton diplomacy proved a failure as Europe had a surplus of cotton, while the 1860–62 crop failures in Europe made the North's grain exports of critical importance. It also helped to turn European opinion further away from the Confederacy. It was said that "King Corn was more powerful than King Cotton", as U.S. grain went from a quarter of the British import trade to almost half.[210] Meanwhile, the war created employment for arms makers, ironworkers, and ships to transport weapons.[211]

    Lincoln's administration initially failed to appeal to European public opinion. At first, diplomats explained that the United States was not committed to the ending of slavery, and instead repeated legalistic arguments about the unconstitutionality of secession. Confederate representatives, on the other hand, started off much more successful, by ignoring slavery and instead focusing on their struggle for liberty, their commitment to free trade, and the essential role of cotton in the European economy.[212] The European aristocracy was "absolutely gleeful in pronouncing the American debacle as proof that the entire experiment in popular government had failed. European government leaders welcomed the fragmentation of the ascendant American Republic."[212] However, there was still a European public with liberal sensibilities, that the U.S. sought to appeal to by building connections with the international press. As early as 1861, many Union diplomats such as Carl Schurz realized emphasizing the war against slavery was the Union's most effective moral asset in the struggle for public opinion in Europe. Seward was concerned that an overly radical case for reunification would distress the European merchants with cotton interests; even so, Seward supported a widespread campaign of public diplomacy.[212]

    U.S. minister to Britain Charles Francis Adams proved particularly adept and convinced Britain not to openly challenge the Union blockade. The Confederacy purchased several warships from commercial shipbuilders in Britain (CSS Alabama, CSS Shenandoah, CSS Tennessee, CSS Tallahassee, CSS Florida, and some others). The most famous, Alabama, did considerable damage and led to serious postwar disputes. However, public opinion against slavery in Britain created a political liability for British politicians, where the anti-slavery movement was powerful.[213]

    War loomed in late 1861 between the U.S. and Britain over the Trent affair, which began when U.S. Navy personnel boarded the British ship Trent and seized two Confederate diplomats. However, London and Washington were able to smooth over the problem after Lincoln released the two men.[214] Prince Albert had left his deathbed to issue diplomatic instructions to Lord Lyons during the Trent affair. His request was honored, and, as a result, the British response to the United States was toned down and helped avert the British becoming involved in the war.[215] In 1862, the British government considered mediating between the Union and Confederacy, though even such an offer would have risked war with the United States. British Prime Minister Lord Palmerston reportedly read Uncle Tom's Cabin three times when deciding on what his decision would be.[214]

    The Union victory in the Battle of Antietam caused the British to delay this decision. The Emancipation Proclamation over time would reinforce the political liability of supporting the Confederacy. Realizing that Washington could not intervene in Mexico as long as the Confederacy controlled Texas, France invaded Mexico in 1861 and installed the Habsburg Austrian archduke Maximilian I as emperor.[216] Washington repeatedly protested France's violation of the Monroe Doctrine. Despite sympathy for the Confederacy, France's seizure of Mexico ultimately deterred it from war with the Union. Confederate offers late in the war to end slavery in return for diplomatic recognition were not seriously considered by London or Paris. After 1863, the Polish revolt against Russia further distracted the European powers and ensured that they would remain neutral.[217]

    Russia supported the Union, largely because it believed that the U.S. served as a counterbalance to its geopolitical rival, the United Kingdom. In 1863, the Russian Navy's Baltic and Pacific fleets wintered in the American ports of New York and San Francisco, respectively.[218]

    Eastern theater
    Further information: Eastern Theater of the American Civil War
     County map of Civil War battles by theater and year
    The Eastern theater refers to the military operations east of the Appalachian Mountains, including the states of Virginia, West Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, the District of Columbia, and the coastal fortifications and seaports of North Carolina.[219]

    Background
    Army of the Potomac
    Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan took command of the Union Army of the Potomac on July 26, 1861 (he was briefly general-in-chief of all the Union armies but was subsequently relieved of that post in favor of Maj. Gen. Henry W. Halleck), and the war began in earnest in 1862. The 1862 Union strategy called for simultaneous advances along four axes:[220]

    McClellan would lead the main thrust in Virginia towards Richmond.
    Ohio forces would advance through Kentucky into Tennessee.
    The Missouri Department would drive south along the Mississippi River.
    The westernmost attack would originate from Kansas.
    Army of Northern Virginia
     Robert E. Lee
    The primary Confederate force in the Eastern theater was the Army of Northern Virginia. The Army originated as the (Confederate) Army of the Potomac, which was organized on June 20, 1861, from all operational forces in Northern Virginia. On July 20 and 21, the Army of the Shenandoah and forces from the District of Harpers Ferry were added. Units from the Army of the Northwest were merged into the Army of the Potomac between March 14 and May 17, 1862. The Army of the Potomac was renamed Army of Northern Virginia on March 14. The Army of the Peninsula was merged into it on April 12, 1862.

    When Virginia declared its secession in April 1861, Robert E. Lee chose to follow his home state, despite his desire for the country to remain intact and an offer of a senior Union command.

    Lee's biographer, Douglas S. Freeman, asserts that the army received its final name from Lee when he issued orders assuming command on June 1, 1862.[221] However, Freeman does admit that Lee corresponded with Brigadier General Joseph E. Johnston, his predecessor in army command, before that date and referred to Johnston's command as the Army of Northern Virginia. Part of the confusion results from the fact that Johnston commanded the Department of Northern Virginia (as of October 22, 1861) and the name Army of Northern Virginia can be seen as an informal consequence of its parent department's name. Jefferson Davis and Johnston did not adopt the name, but it is clear that the organization of units as of March 14 was the same organization that Lee received on June 1, and thus it is generally referred to today as the Army of Northern Virginia, even if that is correct only in retrospect.

    On July 4 at Harper's Ferry, Colonel Thomas J. Jackson assigned Jeb Stuart to command all the cavalry companies of the Army of the Shenandoah. He eventually commanded the Army of Northern Virginia's cavalry.

    Battles
    In one of the first highly visible battles, in July 1861, a march by Union troops under the command of Maj. Gen. Irvin McDowell on the Confederate forces led by Beauregard near Washington was repulsed at the First Battle of Bull Run (also known as First Manassas).

    The Union had the upper hand at first, nearly pushing confederate forces holding a defensive position into a rout, but Confederate reinforcements under Joseph E. Johnston arrived from the Shenandoah Valley by railroad, and the course of the battle quickly changed. A brigade of Virginians under the relatively unknown brigadier general from the Virginia Military Institute, Thomas J. Jackson, stood its ground, which resulted in Jackson receiving his famous nickname, "Stonewall".

    Upon the strong urging of President Lincoln to begin offensive operations, McClellan attacked Virginia in the spring of 1862 by way of the peninsula between the York River and James River, southeast of Richmond. McClellan's army reached the gates of Richmond in the Peninsula Campaign.[222][223][224]

     The Battle of Antietam, the Civil War's deadliest one-day fight
    Also in the spring of 1862, in the Shenandoah Valley, Stonewall Jackson led his Valley Campaign. Employing audacity and rapid, unpredictable movements on interior lines, Jackson's 17,000 troops marched 646 miles (1,040 km) in 48 days and won several minor battles as they successfully engaged three Union armies (52,000 men), including those of Nathaniel P. Banks and John C. Fremont, preventing them from reinforcing the Union offensive against Richmond. The swiftness of Jackson's men earned them the nickname of "foot cavalry".

    Johnston halted McClellan's advance at the Battle of Seven Pines, but he was wounded in the battle, and Robert E. Lee assumed his position of command. General Lee and top subordinates James Longstreet and Stonewall Jackson defeated McClellan in the Seven Days Battles and forced his retreat.[225]

    The Northern Virginia Campaign, which included the Second Battle of Bull Run, ended in yet another victory for the South.[226] McClellan resisted General-in-Chief Halleck's orders to send reinforcements to John Pope's Union Army of Virginia, which made it easier for Lee's Confederates to defeat twice the number of combined enemy troops.[citation needed]

    Emboldened by Second Bull Run, the Confederacy made its first invasion of the North with the Maryland Campaign. General Lee led 45,000 troops of the Army of Northern Virginia across the Potomac River into Maryland on September 5. Lincoln then restored Pope's troops to McClellan. McClellan and Lee fought at the Battle of Antietam near Sharpsburg, Maryland, on September 17, 1862, the bloodiest single day in United States military history.[225][227] Lee's army, checked at last, returned to Virginia before McClellan could destroy it. Antietam is considered a Union victory because it halted Lee's invasion of the North and provided an opportunity for Lincoln to announce his Emancipation Proclamation.[228]

    When the cautious McClellan failed to follow up on Antietam, he was replaced by Maj. Gen. Ambrose Burnside. Burnside was soon defeated at the Battle of Fredericksburg[229] on December 13, 1862, when more than 12,000 Union soldiers were killed or wounded during repeated futile frontal assaults against Marye's Heights.[230] After the battle, Burnside was replaced by Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker.[231]

     Pickett's Charge
    Hooker, too, proved unable to defeat Lee's army; despite outnumbering the Confederates by more than two to one, his Chancellorsville Campaign proved ineffective, and he was humiliated in the Battle of Chancellorsville in May 1863.[232] Chancellorsville is known as Lee's "perfect battle" because his risky decision to divide his army in the presence of a much larger enemy force resulted in a significant Confederate victory. Gen. Stonewall Jackson was shot in the left arm and right hand by accidental friendly fire during the battle. The arm was amputated, but he died shortly thereafter of pneumonia.[233] Lee famously said: "He has lost his left arm, but I have lost my right arm."[234]

    The fiercest fighting of the battle—and the second bloodiest day of the Civil War—occurred on May 3 as Lee launched multiple attacks against the Union position at Chancellorsville. That same day, John Sedgwick advanced across the Rappahannock River, defeated the small Confederate force at Marye's Heights in the Second Battle of Fredericksburg, and then moved to the west. The Confederates fought a successful delaying action at the Battle of Salem Church.[235]

    Gen. Hooker was replaced by Maj. Gen. George Meade during Lee's second invasion of the North, in June. Meade defeated Lee at the Battle of Gettysburg (July 1 to 3, 1863).[236] This was the bloodiest battle of the war and has been called the war's turning point. Pickett's Charge on July 3 is often considered the high-water mark of the Confederacy because it signaled the collapse of serious Confederate threats of victory. Lee's army suffered 28,000 casualties, versus Meade's 23,000.[237]

    Western theater
    Further information: Western Theater of the American Civil War
    The Western theater refers to military operations between the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River, including the states of Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Mississippi, North Carolina, Kentucky, South Carolina, and Tennessee, as well as parts of Louisiana.[238]

    Background
    Army of the Tennessee and Army of the Cumberland
     Ulysses S. Grant
    The primary Union forces in the Western theater were the Army of the Tennessee and the Army of the Cumberland, named for the two rivers, the Tennessee River and Cumberland River. After Meade's inconclusive fall campaign, Lincoln turned to the Western Theater for new leadership. At the same time, the Confederate stronghold of Vicksburg surrendered, giving the Union control of the Mississippi River, permanently isolating the western Confederacy, and producing the new leader Lincoln needed, Ulysses S. Grant.[239][citation needed]

    Army of Tennessee
    The primary Confederate force in the Western theater was the Army of Tennessee (named for the state, instead of the river). The army was formed on November 20, 1862, when General Braxton Bragg renamed the former Army of Mississippi. While the Confederate forces had numerous successes in the Eastern Theater, they were defeated many times in the West.[238]

    Battles
    The Union's key strategist and tactician in the West was Ulysses S. Grant, who won victories at Forts Henry (February 6, 1862) and Donelson (February 11 to 16, 1862), earning him the nickname of "Unconditional Surrender" Grant. With these victories the Union gained control of the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers.[240] Nathan Bedford Forrest rallied nearly 4,000 Confederate troops and led them to escape across the Cumberland. Nashville and central Tennessee thus fell to the Union, leading to attrition of local food supplies and livestock and a breakdown in social organization.[citation needed]

    Confederate general Leonidas Polk's invasion of Columbus ended Kentucky's policy of neutrality and turned it against the Confederacy. Grant used river transport and Andrew Foote's gunboats of the Western Flotilla to threaten the Confederacy's "Gibraltar of the West" at Columbus, Kentucky. Although rebuffed at Belmont, Grant cut off Columbus. The Confederates, lacking their gunboats, were forced to retreat and the Union took control of western Kentucky and opened Tennessee in March 1862.[241]

    At the Battle of Shiloh, in Shiloh, Tennessee in April 1862, the Confederates made a surprise attack that pushed Union forces against the river as night fell. Overnight, the Navy landed additional reinforcements, and Grant counterattacked. Grant and the Union won a decisive victory—the first battle with the high casualty rates that would repeat over and over.[242] The Confederates lost Albert Sidney Johnston, considered their finest general before the emergence of Lee.[243]

     The Battle of Chickamauga, the highest two-day losses
    One of the early Union objectives in the war was to capture the Mississippi River in order to cut the Confederacy in half. The Mississippi River was opened to Union traffic to the southern border of Tennessee with the taking of Island No. 10 and New Madrid, Missouri, and then Memphis, Tennessee.[244]

    In April 1862, the Union Navy captured New Orleans.[244] "The key to the river was New Orleans, the South's largest port [and] greatest industrial center."[245] U.S. Naval forces under Farragut ran past Confederate defenses south of New Orleans. Confederate forces abandoned the city, giving the Union a critical anchor in the deep South,[246] which allowed Union forces to begin moving up the Mississippi. Memphis fell to Union forces on June 6, 1862, and became a key base for further advances south along the Mississippi River. Only the fortress city of Vicksburg, Mississippi, prevented Union control of the entire river.[247]

    Bragg's second invasion of Kentucky in the Confederate Heartland Offensive included initial successes such as Kirby Smith's triumph at the Battle of Richmond and the capture of the Kentucky capital of Frankfort on September 3, 1862.[248] However, the campaign ended with a meaningless victory over Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell at the Battle of Perryville. Bragg was forced to end his attempt at invading Kentucky and retreat due to lack of logistical support and lack of infantry recruits for the Confederacy in that state.[249]

    Bragg was narrowly defeated by Maj. Gen. William Rosecrans at the Battle of Stones River in Tennessee, the culmination of the Stones River Campaign.[250]

    Naval forces assisted Grant in the long, complex Vicksburg Campaign that resulted in the Confederates surrendering at the Battle of Vicksburg in July 1863, which cemented Union control of the Mississippi River and is considered one of the turning points of the war.[251][252]

    The one clear Confederate victory in the West was the Battle of Chickamauga. After Rosecrans' successful Tullahoma Campaign, Bragg, reinforced by Lt. Gen. James Longstreet's corps (from Lee's army in the east), defeated Rosecrans, despite the heroic defensive stand of Maj. Gen. George Henry Thomas.[citation needed]

    Rosecrans retreated to Chattanooga, which Bragg then besieged in the Chattanooga Campaign. Grant marched to the relief of Rosecrans and defeated Bragg at the Third Battle of Chattanooga,[253] eventually causing Longstreet to abandon his Knoxville Campaign and driving Confederate forces out of Tennessee and opening a route to Atlanta and the heart of the Confederacy.[254]

    Trans-Mississippi theater
    Further information: Trans-Mississippi Theater of the American Civil War
    Background
    The Trans-Mississippi theater refers to military operations west of the Mississippi River, encompassing most of Missouri, Arkansas, most of Louisiana, and Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). The Trans-Mississippi District was formed by the Confederate Army to better coordinate Ben McCulloch's command of troops in Arkansas and Louisiana, Sterling Price's Missouri State Guard, as well as the portion of Earl Van Dorn's command that included the Indian Territory and excluded the Army of the West. The Union's command was the Trans-Mississippi Division, or the Military Division of West Mississippi.[255]

    Battles
     Nathaniel Lyon secured St. Louis docks and arsenal, led Union forces to expel Missouri Confederate forces and government.[256]
    The first battle of the Trans-Mississippi theater was the Battle of Wilson's Creek (August 1861). The Confederates were driven from Missouri early in the war as a result of the Battle of Pea Ridge.[257]

    Extensive guerrilla warfare characterized the trans-Mississippi region, as the Confederacy lacked the troops and the logistics to support regular armies that could challenge Union control.[258] Roving Confederate bands such as Quantrill's Raiders terrorized the countryside, striking both military installations and civilian settlements.[259] The "Sons of Liberty" and "Order of the American Knights" attacked pro-Union people, elected officeholders, and unarmed uniformed soldiers. These partisans could not be entirely driven out of the state of Missouri until an entire regular Union infantry division was engaged. By 1864, these violent activities harmed the nationwide anti-war movement organizing against the re-election of Lincoln. Missouri not only stayed in the Union, but Lincoln took 70 percent of the vote for re-election.[260]

    Numerous small-scale military actions south and west of Missouri sought to control Indian Territory and New Mexico Territory for the Union. The Battle of Glorieta Pass was the decisive battle of the New Mexico Campaign. The Union repulsed Confederate incursions into New Mexico in 1862, and the exiled Arizona government withdrew into Texas. In the Indian Territory, civil war broke out within tribes. About 12,000 Indian warriors fought for the Confederacy and smaller numbers for the Union.[261] The most prominent Cherokee was Brigadier General Stand Watie, the last Confederate general to surrender.[262]

    After the fall of Vicksburg in July 1863, General Kirby Smith in Texas was informed by Jefferson Davis that he could expect no further help from east of the Mississippi River. Although he lacked resources to beat Union armies, he built up a formidable arsenal at Tyler, along with his own Kirby Smithdom economy, a virtual "independent fiefdom" in Texas, including railroad construction and international smuggling. The Union, in turn, did not directly engage him.[263] Its 1864 Red River Campaign to take Shreveport, Louisiana, was a failure and Texas remained in Confederate hands throughout the war.[264]

    Lower Seaboard theater
    Further information: Lower seaboard theater of the American Civil War
    Background
    The Lower Seaboard theater refers to military and naval operations that occurred near the coastal areas of the Southeast (Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Texas) as well as the southern part of the Mississippi River (Port Hudson and south). Union Naval activities were dictated by the Anaconda Plan.[265]

    Battles
     New Orleans captured
    One of the earliest battles of the war was fought at Port Royal Sound (November 1861), south of Charleston. Much of the war along the South Carolina coast concentrated on capturing Charleston. In attempting to capture Charleston, the Union military tried two approaches: by land over James or Morris Islands or through the harbor. However, the Confederates were able to drive back each Union attack. One of the most famous of the land attacks was the Second Battle of Fort Wagner, in which the 54th Massachusetts Infantry took part. The Union suffered a serious defeat in this battle, losing 1,515 soldiers while the Confederates lost only 174. However, the 54th was hailed for its valor in that battle, which encouraged the general acceptance of the recruitment of African American soldiers into the Union Army, which reinforced the Union's numerical advantage.[266]

    Fort Pulaski on the Georgia coast was an early target for the Union navy. Following the capture of Port Royal, an expedition was organized with engineer troops under the command of Captain Quincy A. Gillmore, forcing a Confederate surrender. The Union army occupied the fort for the rest of the war after repairing it.[267]

    In April 1862, a Union naval task force commanded by Commander David D. Porter attacked Forts Jackson and St. Philip, which guarded the river approach to New Orleans from the south. While part of the fleet bombarded the forts, other vessels forced a break in the obstructions in the river and enabled the rest of the fleet to steam upriver to the city. A Union army force commanded by Major General Benjamin Butler landed near the forts and forced their surrender. Butler's controversial command of New Orleans earned him the nickname "Beast".[268]

    The following year, the Union Army of the Gulf commanded by Major General Nathaniel P. Banks laid siege to Port Hudson for nearly eight weeks, the longest siege in US military history. The Confederates attempted to defend with the Bayou Teche Campaign but surrendered after Vicksburg. These two surrenders gave the Union control over the entire Mississippi.[269]

    Several small skirmishes were fought in Florida, but no major battles. The biggest was the Battle of Olustee in early 1864.[citation needed]

    Pacific Coast theater
    Further information: Pacific Coast Theater of the American Civil War
    The Pacific Coast theater refers to military operations on the Pacific Ocean and in the states and Territories west of the Continental Divide.[270]

    Conquest of Virginia
     William Tecumseh Sherman
    At the beginning of 1864, Lincoln made Grant commander of all Union armies. Grant made his headquarters with the Army of the Potomac and put Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman in command of most of the western armies. Grant understood the concept of total war and believed, along with Lincoln and Sherman, that only the utter defeat of Confederate forces and their economic base would end the war.[271] This was total war not in killing civilians but rather in taking provisions and forage and destroying homes, farms, and railroads, that Grant said "would otherwise have gone to the support of secession and rebellion. This policy I believe exercised a material influence in hastening the end."[272] Grant devised a coordinated strategy that would strike at the entire Confederacy from multiple directions. Generals Meade and Benjamin Butler were ordered to move against Lee near Richmond, General Franz Sigel (and later Philip Sheridan) were to attack the Shenandoah Valley, General Sherman was to capture Atlanta and march to the sea (the Atlantic Ocean), Generals George Crook and William W. Averell were to operate against railroad supply lines in West Virginia, and Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks was to capture Mobile, Alabama.[273]

    Grant's Overland Campaign
    Grant's army set out on the Overland Campaign intending to draw Lee into a defense of Richmond, where they would attempt to pin down and destroy the Confederate army. The Union army first attempted to maneuver past Lee and fought several battles, notably at the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, and Cold Harbor. These battles resulted in heavy losses on both sides and forced Lee's Confederates to fall back repeatedly.[274] At the Battle of Yellow Tavern, the Confederates lost Jeb Stuart.[275]

    An attempt to outflank Lee from the south failed under Butler, who was trapped inside the Bermuda Hundred river bend. Each battle resulted in setbacks for the Union that mirrored those they had suffered under prior generals, though, unlike those prior generals, Grant chose to fight on rather than retreat. Grant was tenacious and kept pressing Lee's Army of Northern Virginia back to Richmond. While Lee was preparing for an attack on Richmond, Grant unexpectedly turned south to cross the James River and began the protracted Siege of Petersburg, where the two armies engaged in trench warfare for over nine months.[276]

    Sheridan's Valley Campaign
     Philip Sheridan
    Grant finally found a commander, General Philip Sheridan, aggressive enough to prevail in the Valley Campaigns of 1864. Sheridan was initially repelled at the Battle of New Market by former U.S. vice president and Confederate Gen. John C. Breckinridge. The Battle of New Market was the Confederacy's last major victory of the war and included a charge by teenage VMI cadets. After redoubling his efforts, Sheridan defeated Maj. Gen. Jubal A. Early in a series of battles, including a final decisive defeat at the Battle of Cedar Creek. Sheridan then proceeded to destroy the agricultural base of the Shenandoah Valley, a strategy similar to the tactics Sherman later employed in Georgia.[277]

    Sherman's March to the Sea
    Meanwhile, Sherman maneuvered from Chattanooga to Atlanta, defeating Confederate Generals Joseph E. Johnston and John Bell Hood along the way. The fall of Atlanta on September 2, 1864, guaranteed the reelection of Lincoln as president.[278] Hood left the Atlanta area to swing around and menace Sherman's supply lines and invade Tennessee in the Franklin–Nashville Campaign. Union Maj. Gen. John Schofield defeated Hood at the Battle of Franklin, and George H. Thomas dealt Hood a massive defeat at the Battle of Nashville, effectively destroying Hood's army.[279]

    Leaving Atlanta, and his base of supplies, Sherman's army marched, with no destination set, laying waste to about 20 percent of the farms in Georgia in his "March to the Sea". He reached the Atlantic Ocean at Savannah, Georgia, in December 1864. Sherman's army was followed by thousands of freed slaves; there were no major battles along the march. Sherman turned north through South Carolina and North Carolina to approach the Confederate Virginia lines from the south, increasing the pressure on Lee's army.[280]

    The Waterloo of the Confederacy
    Lee's army, thinned by desertion and casualties, was now much smaller than Grant's. One last Confederate attempt to break the Union hold on Petersburg failed at the decisive Battle of Five Forks (sometimes called "the Waterloo of the Confederacy") on April 1. This meant that the Union now controlled the entire perimeter surrounding Richmond-Petersburg, completely cutting it off from the Confederacy. Realizing that the capital was now lost, Lee's army and the Confederate government were forced to evacuate. The Confederate capital fell on April 2–3, to the Union XXV Corps, composed of black troops. The remaining Confederate units fled west after a defeat at Sayler's Creek on April 6.[281]

    End of the war
    Main article: Conclusion of the American Civil War
     
    This New York Times front page celebrated Lee's surrender, headlining how Grant let Confederate officers retain their sidearms and "paroled" the Confederate officers and men.[282]
     
    News of Lee's April 9 surrender reached this southern newspaper (Savannah, Georgia) on April 15—after the April 14 shooting of President Lincoln.[283] The article quotes Grant's terms of surrender.[283]
    Initially, Lee did not intend to surrender but planned to regroup at Appomattox Station, where supplies were to be waiting and then continue the war. Grant chased Lee and got in front of him so that when Lee's army reached the village of Appomattox Court House, they were surrounded. After an initial battle, Lee decided that the fight was now hopeless, and surrendered his Army of Northern Virginia to Grant on April 9, 1865, during a conference at the McLean House[284][285] In an untraditional gesture and as a sign of Grant's respect and anticipation of peacefully restoring Confederate states to the Union, Lee was permitted to keep his sword and his horse, Traveller. His men were paroled, and a chain of Confederate surrenders began.[286]

    On April 14, 1865, President Lincoln was shot by John Wilkes Booth, a Confederate sympathizer. Lincoln died early the next morning. Lincoln's vice president, Andrew Johnson, was unharmed, because his would-be assassin, George Atzerodt, lost his nerve, so Johnson was immediately sworn in as president. Meanwhile, Confederate forces across the South surrendered as news of Lee's surrender reached them.[287] On April 26, 1865, the same day Sergeant Boston Corbett killed Booth at a tobacco barn, Johnston surrendered nearly 90,000 troops of the Army of Tennessee to Sherman at Bennett Place near present-day Durham, North Carolina. It proved to be the largest surrender of Confederate forces. On May 4, all remaining Confederate forces in Alabama, Louisiana east of the Mississippi River, and Mississippi under Lieutenant General Richard Taylor surrendered.[288]

    Confederate president Davis was captured in retreat at Irwinville, Georgia on May 10, 1865.[289]

    On May 13, 1865, the last land battle of the war was fought at the Battle of Palmito Ranch in Texas.[290][291][292]

    On May 26, 1865, Confederate Lt. Gen. Simon B. Buckner, acting for Edmund Smith, signed a military convention surrendering the Confederate trans-Mississippi Department forces.[293][294] This date is often cited by contemporaries and historians as the end date of the American Civil War.[1][2] On June 2, 1865, with most of his troops having already gone home, technically deserted, a reluctant Kirby Smith had little choice but to sign the official surrender document.[295][296] On June 23, 1865, Cherokee leader and Confederate Brig. Gen. Stand Watie became the last Confederate general to surrender his forces.[297][298]

    On June 19, 1865, Union Maj. Gen. Gordon Granger announced General Order No. 3, bringing the Emancipation Proclamation into effect in Texas and freeing the last slaves of the Confederacy.[299] The anniversary of this date is now celebrated as Juneteenth.[300]

    The naval portion of the war ended more slowly. It had begun on April 11, 1865, two days after Lee's surrender, when President Lincoln proclaimed that foreign nations had no further "claim or pretense" to deny equality of maritime rights and hospitalities to U.S. warships and, in effect, that rights extended to Confederate ships to use neutral ports as safe havens from U.S. warships should end.[301][302] Having no response to Lincoln's proclamation, President Andrew Johnson issued a similar proclamation dated May 10, 1865, more directly stating the premise that the war was almost at an end ("armed resistance...may be regarded as virtually at an end") and that insurgent cruisers still at sea and prepared to attack U.S. ships should not have rights to do so through use of safe foreign ports or waters and warned nations which continued to do so that their government vessels would be denied access to U.S. ports. He also "enjoined" U.S. officers to arrest the cruisers and their crews so "that they may be prevented from committing further depredations on commerce and that the persons on board of them may no longer enjoy impunity for their crimes".[303] Britain finally responded on June 6, 1865, by transmitting a June 2, 1865 letter from Foreign Secretary John Russell, 1st Earl Russell to the Lords of the Admiralty withdrawing rights to Confederate warships to enter British ports and waters but with exceptions for a limited time to allow a captain to enter a port to "divest his vessel of her warlike character" and for U.S. ships to be detained in British ports or waters to allow Confederate cruisers twenty-four hours to leave first.[304] U.S. Secretary of State Seward welcomed the withdrawal of concessions to the Confederates but objected to the exceptions.[305] Finally, on October 18, 1865, Russell advised the Admiralty that the time specified in his June 2, 1865 message had elapsed and "all measures of a restrictive nature on vessels of war of the United States in British ports, harbors, and waters, are now to be considered as at an end".[306] Nonetheless, the final Confederate surrender was in Liverpool, England where James Iredell Waddell, the captain of CSS Shenandoah, surrendered the cruiser to British authorities on November 6, 1865.[307]

    Legally, the war did not end until August 20, 1866, when President Johnson issued a proclamation that declared "that the said insurrection is at an end and that peace, order, tranquillity, and civil authority now exist in and throughout the whole of the United States of America".[308][309][310]

    Union victory and aftermath
     Map of Confederate territory losses year by year
    The causes of the war, the reasons for its outcome, and even the name of the war itself are subjects of lingering contention today. The North and West grew rich while the once-rich South became poor for a century. The national political power of the slaveowners and rich Southerners ended. Historians are less sure about the results of the postwar Reconstruction, especially regarding the second-class citizenship of the freedmen and their poverty.[311]

    Historians have debated whether the Confederacy could have won the war. Most scholars, including James M. McPherson, argue that Confederate victory was at least possible.[312] McPherson argues that the North's advantage in population and resources made Northern victory likely but not guaranteed. He also argues that if the Confederacy had fought using unconventional tactics, it would have more easily been able to hold out long enough to exhaust the Union.[313]

    Confederates did not need to invade and hold enemy territory to win but only needed to fight a defensive war to convince the North that the cost of winning was too high. The North needed to conquer and hold vast stretches of enemy territory and defeat Confederate armies to win.[313] Lincoln was not a military dictator and could continue to fight the war only as long as the American public supported a continuation of the war. The Confederacy sought to win independence by outlasting Lincoln; however, after Atlanta fell and Lincoln defeated McClellan in the election of 1864, all hope for a political victory for the South ended. At that point, Lincoln had secured the support of the Republicans, War Democrats, the border states, emancipated slaves, and the neutrality of Britain and France. By defeating the Democrats and McClellan, he also defeated the Copperheads, who had wanted a negotiated peace with the Confederate States of America.[314]

    Comparison of Union and Confederacy, 1860–1864[315]
     
    Year
    Union
    Confederacy
    Population
    1860
    22,100,000 (71%)
    9,100,000 (29%)
    1864
    28,800,000 (90%)[g]
    3,000,000 (10%)[316]
    Free
    1860
    21,700,000 (98%)
    5,600,000 (62%)
    Slave
    1860
    490,000 (2%)
    3,550,000 (38%)
    1864
    negligible
    1,900,000[h]
    Soldiers
    1860–64
    2,100,000 (67%)
    1,064,000 (33%)
    Railroad miles
    1860
    21,800 (71%)
    8,800 (29%)
    1864
    29,100 (98%)[317]
    negligible
    Manufactures
    1860
    90%
    10%
    1864
    98%
    2%
    Arms production
    1860
    97%
    3%
    1864
    98%
    2%
    Cotton bales
    1860
    negligible
    4,500,000
    1864
    300,000
    negligible
    Exports
    1860
    30%
    70%
    1864
    98%
    2%
    Some scholars argue that the Union held an insurmountable long-term advantage over the Confederacy in industrial strength and population. Confederate actions, they argue, only delayed defeat.[318][319] Civil War historian Shelby Foote expressed this view succinctly:

    I think that the North fought that war with one hand behind its back .... If there had been more Southern victories, and a lot more, the North simply would have brought that other hand out from behind its back. I don't think the South ever had a chance to win that War.[320]
    A minority view among historians is that the Confederacy lost because, as E. Merton Coulter put it, "people did not will hard enough and long enough to win."[321][322] However, most historians reject the argument.[323] McPherson, after reading thousands of letters written by Confederate soldiers, found strong patriotism that continued to the end; they truly believed they were fighting for freedom and liberty. Even as the Confederacy was visibly collapsing in 1864–65, he says most Confederate soldiers were fighting hard.[324] Historian Gary Gallagher cites General Sherman, who in early 1864 commented, "The devils seem to have a determination that cannot but be admired." Despite their loss of slaves and wealth, with starvation looming, Sherman continued, "yet I see no sign of let-up—some few deserters—plenty tired of war, but the masses determined to fight it out."[325]

    Also important were Lincoln's eloquence in rationalizing the national purpose and his skill in keeping the border states committed to the Union cause. The Emancipation Proclamation was an effective use of the President's war powers.[326] The Confederate government failed in its attempt to get Europe involved in the war militarily, particularly Great Britain and France. Southern leaders needed to get European powers to help break up the blockade the Union had created around the Southern ports and cities. Lincoln's naval blockade was 95% effective at stopping trade goods; as a result, imports and exports to the South declined significantly. The abundance of European cotton and Britain's hostility to the institution of slavery, along with Lincoln's Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico naval blockades, severely decreased any chance that either Britain or France would enter the war.[327]

    Historian Don Doyle has argued that the Union victory had a major impact on the course of world history.[328] The Union victory energized popular democratic forces. A Confederate victory, on the other hand, would have meant a new birth of slavery, not freedom. Historian Fergus Bordewich, following Doyle, argues that:

    The North's victory decisively proved the durability of democratic government. Confederate independence, on the other hand, would have established an American model for reactionary politics and race-based repression that would likely have cast an international shadow into the twentieth century and perhaps beyond."[329]
    Scholars have debated what the effects of the war were on political and economic power in the South.[330] The prevailing view is that the southern planter elite retained its powerful position in the South.[330] However, a 2017 study challenges this, noting that while some Southern elites retained their economic status, the turmoil of the 1860s created greater opportunities for economic mobility in the South than in the North.[330]

    Casualties
     
    One in thirteen veterans were amputees.
     
    Remains of both sides were reinterred.
     
    Andersonville National Cemetery, Georgia
    The war resulted in at least 1,030,000 casualties (3 percent of the population), including about 620,000 soldier deaths—two-thirds by disease—and 50,000 civilians.[11] Binghamton University historian J. David Hacker believes the number of soldier deaths was approximately 750,000, 20 percent higher than traditionally estimated, and possibly as high as 850,000.[331][14] A novel way of calculating casualties by looking at the deviation of the death rate of men of fighting age from the norm through analysis of census data found that at least 627,000 and at most 888,000 people, but most likely 761,000 people, died in the war.[332] As historian McPherson notes, the war's "cost in American lives was as great as in all of the nation's other wars combined through Vietnam."[333]

    Based on 1860 census figures, 8 percent of all white men aged 13 to 43 died in the war, including 6 percent in the North and 18 percent in the South.[334][335] About 56,000 soldiers died in prison camps during the War.[336] An estimated 60,000 soldiers lost limbs in the war.[337]

    Of the 359,528 Union Army dead, amounting to 15 percent of the over two million who served:[7]

    110,070 were killed in action (67,000) or died of wounds (43,000).
    199,790 died of disease (75 percent was due to the war, the remainder would have occurred in civilian life anyway)
    24,866 died in Confederate prison camps
    9,058 were killed by accidents or drowning
    15,741 other/unknown deaths
    In addition, there were 4,523 deaths in the Navy (2,112 in battle) and 460 in the Marines (148 in battle).[8]

    After the Emancipation Proclamation authorized freed slaves to "be received into the armed service of the United States", former slaves who escaped from plantations or were liberated by the Union Army were recruited into the United States Colored Troops regiments of the Union Army, as were black men who had not been slaves. The U.S. Colored Troops made up 10 percent of the Union death toll—15 percent of Union deaths from disease and less than 3 percent of those killed in battle.[7] Losses among African Americans were high. In the last year and a half and from all reported casualties, approximately 20 percent of all African Americans enrolled in the military died during the Civil War. Notably, their mortality rate was significantly higher than that of white soldiers. While 15.2% of United States Volunteers and just 8.6% of white Regular Army troops died, 20.5% of United States Colored Troops died.[338]: 16 

    The United States National Park Service uses the following figures in its official tally of war losses:[3]

    Union
    Casualties
    Category
    Number
    Killed in action
    110,100
    Disease
    224,580
    Wounded in action
    275,154
    Captured
    211,411 (including 30,192 who died as POWs)
    Total
    821,245
    Confederate
    Casualties
    Category
    Number
    Killed in action
    94,000
    Disease
    164,000
    Wounded in action
    194,026
    Captured
    462,634 (including 31,000 who died as POWs)
    Total
    914,660
     An illustration of the war dead following the Battle of Antietam battlefield in 1862
    While the figures of 360,000 army deaths for the Union and 260,000 for the Confederacy remained commonly cited, they are incomplete. In addition to many Confederate records being missing, partly as a result of Confederate widows not reporting deaths due to being ineligible for benefits, both armies only counted troops who died during their service and not the tens of thousands who died of wounds or diseases after being discharged. This often happened only a few days or weeks later. Francis Amasa Walker, superintendent of the 1870 census, used census and surgeon general data to estimate a minimum of 500,000 Union military deaths and 350,000 Confederate military deaths, for a total death toll of 850,000 soldiers. While Walker's estimates were originally dismissed because of the 1870 census's undercounting, it was later found that the census was only off by 6.5% and that the data Walker used would be roughly accurate.[14]

    Analyzing the number of dead by using census data to calculate the deviation of the death rate of men of fighting age from the norm suggests that at least 627,000 and at most 888,000, but most likely 761,000 soldiers, died in the war.[332] This would break down to approximately 350,000 Confederate and 411,000 Union military deaths, going by the proportion of Union to Confederate battle losses.[citation needed]

    Deaths among former slaves has proven much harder to estimate, due to the lack of reliable census data at the time, though they were known to be considerable, as former slaves were set free or escaped in massive numbers in areas where the Union army did not have sufficient shelter, doctors, or food for them. University of Connecticut Professor Jim Downs states that tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands of slaves died during the war from disease, starvation, or exposure, and that if these deaths are counted in the war's total, the death toll would exceed 1 million.[339]

    It is estimated that during the Civil War, of the equines killed, including horses, mules, donkeys and even confiscated children's ponies, over 32,600 of them belonged to the Union Army and 45,800 the Confederacy. However, other estimates place the total equine loss at 1,000,000.[340]

    It is estimated that 544 Confederate flags were captured during the Civil War by the Union. The flags were sent to the War Department in Washington.[341][342] The Union flags captured by the Confederates were sent to Richmond.

    Losses were far higher than during the recent war with Mexico, which saw roughly thirteen thousand American deaths, including fewer than two thousand killed in battle, between 1846 and 1848. One reason for the high number of battle deaths during the war was the continued use of tactics similar to those of the Napoleonic Wars at the turn of the century, such as charging. With the advent of more accurate rifled barrels, Minié balls, and (near the end of the war for the Union army) repeating firearms such as the Spencer repeating rifle and the Henry repeating rifle, soldiers were mowed down when standing in lines in the open. This led to the adoption of trench warfare, a style of fighting that defined much of World War I.[343]

    Emancipation
     Abolition of slavery in the various states of the United States over time:  Abolition of slavery during or shortly after the American Revolution
      The Northwest Ordinance, 1787
      Gradual emancipation in New York (starting 1799, completed 1827) and New Jersey (starting 1804, completed by Thirteenth Amendment, 1865)
      The Missouri Compromise, 1821
      Effective abolition of slavery by Mexican or joint US/British authority
      Abolition of slavery by Congressional action, 1861
      Abolition of slavery by Congressional action, 1862
      Emancipation Proclamation as originally issued, January 1, 1863
      Subsequent operation of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863
      Abolition of slavery by state action during the Civil War
      Operation of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1864
      Operation of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1865
      Thirteenth Amendment to the US constitution, December 18, 1865
      Territory incorporated into the US after the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment
    Abolishing slavery was not a Union war goal from the outset, but it quickly became one.[24] Lincoln's initial claims were that preserving the Union was the central goal of the war.[344] In contrast, the South saw itself as fighting to preserve slavery.[24] While not all Southerners saw themselves as fighting for slavery, most of the officers and over a third of the rank and file in Lee's army had close family ties to slavery. To Northerners, in contrast, the motivation was primarily to preserve the Union, not to abolish slavery.[345] However, as the war dragged on, and it became clear that slavery was central to the conflict, and that emancipation was (to quote from the Emancipation Proclamation) "a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing [the] rebellion," Lincoln and his cabinet made ending slavery a war goal, culminating in the Emancipation Proclamation.[24][346] Lincoln's decision to issue the Emancipation Proclamation angered both Peace Democrats ("Copperheads") and War Democrats, but energized most Republicans.[346] By warning that free blacks would flood the North, Democrats made gains in the 1862 elections, but they did not gain control of Congress. The Republicans' counterargument that slavery was the mainstay of the enemy steadily gained support, with the Democrats losing decisively in the 1863 elections in the Northern state of Ohio when they tried to resurrect anti-black sentiment.[347]

    Emancipation Proclamation
    Main article: Emancipation Proclamation
    Slavery for the Confederacy's 3.5 million blacks effectively ended in each area when Union armies arrived; they were nearly all freed by the Emancipation Proclamation. The last Confederate slaves were freed on June 19, 1865, celebrated as the modern holiday of Juneteenth. Slaves in the border states and those located in some former Confederate territory occupied before the Emancipation Proclamation were freed by state action or (on December 6, 1865) by the Thirteenth Amendment.[348][349] The Emancipation Proclamation enabled African Americans, both free blacks and escaped slaves, to join the Union Army. About 190,000 volunteered, further enhancing the numerical advantage the Union armies enjoyed over the Confederates, who did not dare emulate the equivalent manpower source for fear of fundamentally undermining the legitimacy of slavery.[i]

    During the Civil War, sentiment concerning slaves, enslavement, and emancipation in the United States was divided. Lincoln's fears of making slavery a war issue were based on a harsh reality: abolition did not enjoy wide support in the west, the territories, and the border states.[351][352] In 1861, Lincoln worried that premature attempts at emancipation would mean the loss of the border states, and that "to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game."[352] Copperheads and some War Democrats opposed emancipation, although the latter eventually accepted it as part of the total war needed to save the Union.[353]

    At first, Lincoln reversed attempts at emancipation by Secretary of War Simon Cameron and Generals Frémont (in Missouri) and David Hunter (in South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida) to keep the loyalty of the border states and the War Democrats. Lincoln warned the border states that a more radical type of emancipation would happen if his plan of gradual compensated emancipation and voluntary colonization was rejected.[354] But compensated emancipation occurred only in the District of Columbia, where Congress had the power to enact it. When Lincoln told his cabinet about his proposed emancipation proclamation, which would apply to the states still in rebellion on January 1, 1863, Seward advised Lincoln to wait for a Union military victory before issuing it, as to do otherwise would seem like "our last shriek on the retreat".[355] Walter Stahr, however, writes, "There are contemporary sources, however, that suggest others were involved in the decision to delay", and Stahr quotes them.[356]

     
    Contrabands, who were fugitive slaves, including cooks, laundresses, laborers, teamsters, railroad repair crews, fled to the Union Army, but were not legally freed until the Emancipation Proclamation, which Lincoln signed on January 1, 1863, more than two years before the end of the Civil War.
     
    In 1863, the Union Army accepted Freedmen; seen here are Black and White teen-aged soldiers who volunteered to fight for the Union.
    Lincoln laid the groundwork for public support in an open letter published in response to Horace Greeley's "The Prayer of Twenty Millions".[357][358][359] He also laid the groundwork at a meeting at the White House with five African American representatives on August 14, 1862. Arranging for a reporter to be present, he urged his visitors to agree to the voluntary colonization of black people, apparently to make his forthcoming preliminary Emancipation Proclamation more palatable to racist white people.[360] A Union victory in the Battle of Antietam on September 17, 1862, provided Lincoln with an opportunity to issue the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, and the subsequent War Governors' Conference added support for the proclamation.[361]

    Lincoln issued his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on September 22, 1862. It stated that the slaves in all states in rebellion on January 1, 1863, would be free. He issued his final Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, keeping his promise. In his letter to Albert G. Hodges, Lincoln explained his belief that "If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong .... And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling .... I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me."[362][j]

    Lincoln's moderate approach succeeded in inducing the border states to remain in the Union and War Democrats to support the Union. The border states, which included Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Delaware, and Union-controlled regions around New Orleans, Norfolk, Virginia, and elsewhere, were not covered by the Emancipation Proclamation. Nor was Tennessee, which had come under Union control.[364] Missouri and Maryland abolished slavery on their own; Kentucky and Delaware did not.[365] Still, the proclamation did not enjoy universal support. It caused much unrest in what were then considered western states, where racist sentiments led to a great fear of abolition. There was some concern that the proclamation would lead to the secession of western states, and its issuance prompted the stationing of Union troops in Illinois in case of rebellion.[366]

    Since the Emancipation Proclamation was based on the President's war powers, it applied only in territory held by Confederates at the time it was issued. However, the Proclamation became a symbol of the Union's growing commitment to add emancipation to the Union's definition of liberty.[367] The Emancipation Proclamation greatly reduced the Confederacy's hope of being recognized or otherwise aided by Britain or France.[368] By late 1864, Lincoln was playing a leading role in getting the House of Representatives to vote for the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which mandated the ending of chattel slavery.[369]

    Reconstruction
    Main article: Reconstruction era
     Through the supervision of the Freedmen's Bureau, Northern teachers traveled into the South to provide education and training for the newly freed population.
    The war devastated the South and posed serious questions of how the South would be reintegrated into the Union. The war destroyed much of the wealth that had existed in the South, in part because wealth held in enslaved people (valued at a minimum of $1,000 each for a healthy adult prior to the war) was wiped off the books.[370] All accumulated investment in Confederate bonds was forfeited; most banks and railroads were bankrupt. The income per capita in the South dropped to less than 40 percent of that of the North, an economic condition that lasted into the 20th century. Southern influence in the federal government, previously considerable, was greatly diminished until the latter half of the 20th century.[371] Reconstruction began during the war, with the Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, and it continued until 1877.[372] It comprised multiple complex methods to resolve the outstanding issues of the war's aftermath, the most important of which were the three "Reconstruction Amendments" to the Constitution: the 13th outlawing slavery (1865), the 14th guaranteeing citizenship to former slaves (1868), and the 15th ensuring voting rights to former male slaves (1870). From the Union perspective, the goals of Reconstruction were to consolidate the Union victory on the battlefield by reuniting the Union, to guarantee a "republican form of government" for the ex-Confederate states, and to permanently end slavery—and prevent semi-slavery status.[373]

    President Johnson, who took office on April 15, 1865, took a lenient approach and saw the achievement of the main war goals as realized in 1865 when each ex-rebel state repudiated secession and ratified the Thirteenth Amendment. Radical Republicans demanded proof that Confederate nationalism was dead and that the slaves were truly free. They overrode Johnson's vetoes of civil rights legislation, and the House impeached him, although the Senate did not convict him. In 1868 and 1872, the Republican candidate Grant won the presidency. In 1872, the "Liberal Republicans" argued that the war goals had been achieved and that Reconstruction should end. They chose Horace Greeley to head a presidential ticket in 1872 but were decisively defeated. In 1874, Democrats, primarily Southern, took control of Congress and opposed further reconstruction. The Compromise of 1877 closed with a national consensus, except perhaps on the part of former slaves, that the Civil War had finally ended.[374] With the withdrawal of federal troops, however, whites retook control of every Southern legislature, and the Jim Crow era of disenfranchisement and legal segregation was ushered in.[375]

    The Civil War had a demonstrable impact on American politics in the years to come. Many veterans on both sides were subsequently elected to political office, including five U.S. Presidents: General Ulysses Grant, Rutherford B. Hayes, James Garfield, Benjamin Harrison, and William McKinley.[376]

    Memory and historiography
     
    Monument to the Grand Army of the Republic, a Union veteran organization
     
    Cherokee Confederates reunion in New Orleans in 1903
    The Civil War is one of the central events in American collective memory. There are innumerable statues, commemorations, books, and archival collections. The memory includes the home front, military affairs, the treatment of soldiers, both living and dead, in the war's aftermath, depictions of the war in literature and art, evaluations of heroes and villains, and considerations of the moral and political lessons of the war.[377] The last theme includes moral evaluations of racism and slavery, heroism in combat and heroism behind the lines, and issues of democracy and minority rights, as well as the notion of an "Empire of Liberty" influencing the world.[378]

    Professional historians have paid much more attention to the causes of the war than to the war itself. Military history has largely developed outside academia, leading to a proliferation of studies by non-scholars who nevertheless are familiar with the primary sources and pay close attention to battles and campaigns and who write for the general public. Bruce Catton and Shelby Foote are among the best known.[379][380] Practically every major figure in the war, both North and South, has had a serious biographical study.[381]

    Even the name used for the conflict has been controversial, with many names for the American Civil War. During and immediately after the war, Northern historians often used a term like "War of the Rebellion". Writers in rebel states often referred to the "War for Southern Independence". More recently, some Southerners have described it as the "War of Northern Aggression".[382]

    Lost Cause
    Main article: Lost Cause of the Confederacy
    The memory of the war in the white South crystallized in the myth of the "Lost Cause": that the Confederate cause was just and heroic. The myth shaped regional identity and race relations for generations.[383] Alan T. Nolan notes that the Lost Cause was expressly a rationalization, a cover-up to vindicate the name and fame of those in rebellion. Some claims revolve around the insignificance of slavery as a cause of the war; some appeals highlight cultural differences between North and South; the military conflict by Confederate actors is idealized; in any case, secession was said to be lawful.[384] Nolan argues that the adoption of the Lost Cause perspective facilitated the reunification of the North and the South while excusing the "virulent racism" of the 19th century, sacrificing black American progress to white man's reunification. He also deems the Lost Cause "a caricature of the truth. This caricature wholly misrepresents and distorts the facts of the matter" in every instance.[385] The Lost Cause myth was formalized by Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, whose The Rise of American Civilization (1927) spawned "Beardian historiography". The Beards downplayed slavery, abolitionism, and issues of morality. Though this interpretation was abandoned by the Beards in the 1940s, and by historians generally by the 1950s, Beardian themes still echo among Lost Cause writers.[386][387][additional citation(s) needed]

    Battlefield preservation
    Main article: American Civil War battlefield preservation
     Beginning in 1961, the U.S. Post Office released commemorative stamps for five famous battles, each issued on the 100th anniversary of the respective battle.
    The first efforts at Civil War battlefield preservation and memorialization came during the war itself with the establishment of National Cemeteries at Gettysburg, Mill Springs and Chattanooga. Soldiers began erecting markers on battlefields beginning with the First Battle of Bull Run in July 1861. The oldest surviving monument is the Hazen Brigade Monument near Murfreesboro in Central Tennessee, built in the summer of 1863 by soldiers in Union Col. William B. Hazen's brigade to mark the spot where they buried their dead following the Battle of Stones River.[388]

    In the 1890s, the U.S. government established five Civil War battlefield parks under the jurisdiction of the War Department, beginning with the creation of the Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park at Fort Oglethorpe, Georgia, and the Antietam National Battlefield in Sharpsburg, Maryland, in 1890. The Shiloh National Military Park was established in 1894 in Shiloh, Tennessee, followed by the Gettysburg National Military Park in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania in 1895, and Vicksburg National Military Park in Vicksburg, Mississippi, in 1899.

    In 1933, these five parks and other national monuments were transferred to the jurisdiction of the National Park Service.[389] Chief among modern efforts to preserve Civil War sites has been the American Battlefield Trust, with more than 130 battlefields in 24 states.[390][391] The five major Civil War battlefield parks operated by the National Park Service (Gettysburg, Antietam, Shiloh, Chickamauga/Chattanooga and Vicksburg) had a combined 3.1 million visitors in 2018, down 70% from 10.2 million in 1970.[392]

    Civil War commemoration
    Further information: Commemoration of the American Civil War and Commemoration of the American Civil War on postage stamps
     
     
    Top: Grand Army of the Republic (Union)
    Bottom: United Confederate Veterans
    The American Civil War has been commemorated in many capacities, ranging from the reenactment of battles to statues and memorial halls erected, to films being produced, to stamps and coins with Civil War themes being issued, all of which helped to shape public memory. These commemorations occurred in greater numbers on the 100th and 150th anniversaries of the war.[393] Hollywood's take on the war has been especially influential in shaping public memory, as in such film classics as The Birth of a Nation (1915), Gone with the Wind (1939), and Lincoln (2012). Ken Burns's PBS television series The Civil War (1990) is especially well-remembered, though criticized for its historical inaccuracy.[394][395]

    Technological significance
    Numerous technological innovations during the Civil War had a great impact on 19th-century science. The Civil War was one of the earliest examples of an "industrial war", in which technological might is used to achieve military supremacy in a war.[396] New inventions, such as the train and telegraph, delivered soldiers, supplies and messages at a time when horses were considered to be the fastest way to travel.[397][398] It was also in this war that aerial warfare, in the form of reconnaissance balloons, was first used.[399] It saw the first action involving steam-powered ironclad warships in naval warfare history.[400] Repeating firearms such as the Henry rifle, Spencer rifle, Colt revolving rifle, Triplett & Scott carbine and others, first appeared during the Civil War; they were a revolutionary invention that would soon replace muzzle-loading and single-shot firearms in warfare. The war also saw the first appearances of rapid-firing weapons and machine guns such as the Agar gun and the Gatling gun.[401]

    In works of culture and art
     Woodblock etching (note the faint lines where smaller blocks meet to form the larger image) depicting a foundering Confederacy and the upcoming 1864 U.S. presidential election ("The Forlorn Hope—the ship Secession is on the breakers, the Chicago wreckers rushing to the rescue" by Theodore Jones, Harper's Weekly, October 29, 1864)
    The Civil War is one of the most studied events in American history, and the collection of cultural works around it is enormous.[402] This section gives an abbreviated overview of the most notable works.

    Literature
    When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard Bloom'd and O Captain! My Captain! (1865) by Walt Whitman, famous eulogies to Lincoln
    Battle-Pieces and Aspects of the War (1866) poetry by Herman Melville
    The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government (1881) by Jefferson Davis
    The Private History of a Campaign That Failed (1885) by Mark Twain
    Texar's Revenge, or, North Against South (1887) by Jules Verne
    An Occurrence at Owl Creek Bridge (1890) by Ambrose Bierce
    The Red Badge of Courage (1895) by Stephen Crane
    The Challenge to Sirius (1917) by Sheila Kaye-Smith
    Gone with the Wind (1936) by Margaret Mitchell
    North and South (1982) by John Jakes
    The March: A Novel (2005) by E. L. Doctorow, fictionalized account of Sherman's March to the Sea
    Film
    The Birth of a Nation (1915, US)
    The General (1926, US)
    Operator 13 (1934, US)
    Gone with the Wind (1939, US)
    The Red Badge of Courage (1951, US)
    The Horse Soldiers (1959, US)
    Shenandoah (1965, US)
    The Good, the Bad and the Ugly (1966, Italy-Spain-FRG)
    The Beguiled (1971, US)
    The Outlaw Josey Wales (1976, US)
    Glory (1989, US)
    The Civil War (1990, US)
    Gettysburg (1993, US)
    The Last Outlaw (1993, US)
    Cold Mountain (2003, US)
    Gods and Generals (2003, US)
    North and South (miniseries; 1985–1994, US)
    Lincoln (2012, US)
    Free State of Jones (2016, US)
    Music
    See also: Music of the American Civil War
    "Dixie"
    "Battle Cry of Freedom"
    "Battle Hymn of the Republic"
    "The Bonnie Blue Flag"
    "John Brown's Body"
    "When Johnny Comes Marching Home"
    "Marching Through Georgia"
    "The Night They Drove Old Dixie Down"
    Video games
    North & South (1989, FR)
    Sid Meier's Gettysburg! (1997, US)
    Sid Meier's Antietam! (1999, US)
    American Conquest: Divided Nation (2006, US)
    Forge of Freedom: The American Civil War (2006, US)
    The History Channel: Civil War – A Nation Divided (2006, US)
    Ageod's American Civil War (2007, US/FR)
    History Civil War: Secret Missions (2008, US)
    Call of Juarez: Bound in Blood (2009, US)
    Darkest of Days (2009, US)
    Victoria II: A House Divided (2011, US)
    Ageod's American Civil War II (2013, US/FR)
    Ultimate General: Gettysburg (2014, UKR)
    Ultimate General: Civil War (2016, UKR)
    War of Rights (TBD, US)
     
    See also
     
    This "see also" section may contain an excessive number of entries. Please ensure that only the most relevant links are given, that they are not red links, and that any links are not already in this article. (April 2024) (Learn how and when to remove this message)
    Outline of the American Civil War
    Union
    Presidency of Abraham Lincoln
    Uniforms of the Union Army
    Confederacy
    Central Confederacy
    Uniforms of the Confederate States Armed Forces
    Ethnic and racial groups
    African Americans in the American Civil War
    German Americans in the American Civil War
    Irish Americans in the American Civil War
    Italian Americans in the American Civil War
    Native Americans in the American Civil War
    Topical articles
    Commemoration of the American Civil War
    Commemoration of the American Civil War on postage stamps
    Education of freed people during the Civil War
    History of espionage § American Civil War 1861–1865Spies in the American Civil War
    Gender issues in the American Civil War
    Infantry in the American Civil War
    List of ships captured in the 19th century § American Civil War
    Slavery during the American Civil War
    National articles
    Canada in the American Civil War
    Foreign enlistment in the American Civil War
    Prussia in the American Civil War
    United Kingdom in the American Civil War
    State articles
    Category:American Civil War by state
    Category:Populated places destroyed during the American Civil War
    Memorials
    List of Confederate monuments and memorials
    List of memorials and monuments at Arlington National Cemetery
    List of memorials to Jefferson Davis
    List of memorials to Robert E. Lee
    List of memorials to Stonewall Jackson
    List of monuments erected by the United Daughters of the Confederacy
    List of monuments of the Gettysburg Battlefield
    List of Union Civil War monuments and memorials
    Memorials to Abraham Lincoln
    Removal of Confederate monuments and memorials
    Other topics
    American Civil War Corps Badges
    List of costliest American Civil War land battles
    List of weapons in the American Civil War
    Other civil wars in modern history
    Main article: List of civil wars
    Chinese Civil War
    Finnish Civil War
    Mexican Revolution
    Russian Civil War
    Spanish Civil War
    Taiping Rebellion, in China
     
    Notes
    ^ See also Conclusion of the American Civil War and American Civil War#End of the war
    ^ Jump up to:a b Total number that served
    ^ 211,411 Union soldiers were captured, and 30,218 died in prison. The ones who died have been excluded to prevent double-counting of casualties.
    ^ 462,634 Confederate soldiers were captured and 25,976 died in prison. The ones who died have been excluded to prevent double-counting of casualties.
    ^ The Union was the U.S. government and included the states that remained loyal to it, both the non-slave states and the border states (Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware) where slavery was legal. Missouri and Kentucky were also claimed by the Confederacy and given full state delegations in the Confederate Congress for the duration of the war.
    ^ Assuming Union and Confederate casualties are counted together—more Americans were killed in World War II than in either the Union or Confederate Armies if their casualty totals are counted separately.
    ^ "Union population 1864" aggregates 1860 population, average annual immigration 1855–1864, and population governed formerly by CSA per Kenneth Martis source. Contrabands and after the Emancipation Proclamation freedmen, migrating into Union control on the coasts and to the advancing armies, and natural increase are excluded.
    ^ "Slave 1864, CSA" aggregates 1860 slave census of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia and Texas. It omits losses from contraband and after the Emancipation Proclamation, freedmen migrating to the Union controlled coastal ports and those joining advancing Union armies, especially in the Mississippi Valley.
    ^ In spite of the South's shortage of soldiers, most Southern leaders—until 1865—opposed enlisting slaves. They used them as laborers to support the war effort. As Howell Cobb said, "If slaves will make good soldiers our whole theory of slavery is wrong." Confederate generals Patrick Cleburne and Robert E. Lee argued in favor of arming blacks late in the war, and Jefferson Davis was eventually persuaded to support plans for arming slaves to avoid military defeat. The Confederacy surrendered at Appomattox before this plan could be implemented.[350]
    ^ In late March 1864 Lincoln met with Governor Bramlette, Archibald Dixon, and Albert G. Hodges, to discuss recruitment of African American soldiers in the state of Kentucky. In a letter dated April 4, 1864, Lincoln summarized his stance on slavery, at Hodges' request.[363]
    References
    ^ Jump up to:a b Blair, William A. (2015). "Finding the Ending of America's Civil War". The American Historical Review. 120 (5). Oxford University Press: 1753–1766. doi:10.1093/ahr/120.5.1753. JSTOR 43697075. Retrieved July 29, 2022. Pennsylvania State University Professor William A. Blair wrote at pages 313–14: "the sheer weight of scholarship has leaned toward portraying the surrenders of the Confederate armies as the end of the war."; The New York Times: "End of the Rebellion; The Last Rebel Army Disbands. Kirby Smith Surrenders the Land and Naval Forces Under His Command. The Confederate Flag Disappears from the Continent. The Era of Peace Begins. Military Prisoners During the War to be Discharged. Deserters to be Released from Confinement. [Official.] From Secretary Stanton to Gen. Dix". The New York Times. United States Department of War. May 29, 1865. Retrieved July 29, 2022.; United States Civil War Centennial Commission Robertson, James I. Jr. (1963). The Civil War. Washington, D.C.: Civil War Centennial Commission. OCLC 299955768. At p. 31, Professor James I. Robertson Jr. of Virginia Tech University and Executive Director of the U. S. Civil War Centennial Commission wrote, "Lee's surrender left Johnston with no place to go. On April 26, near Durham, N. C., the Army of Tennessee laid down its arms before Sherman's forces. With the surrender of isolated forces in the Trans-Mississippi West on May 4, 11, and 26, the most costly war in American history came to an end."
    ^ Jump up to:a b Among the many other contemporary sources and later historians citing May 26, 1865, the date that the surrender of the last significant Confederate force in the trans-Mississippi department was agreed upon, or citing simply the surrender of the Confederate armies, as the end date for the American Civil War hostilities are George Templeton Strong, who was a prominent New York lawyer; a founder, treasurer, and member of the Executive Committee of United States Sanitary Commission throughout the war; and a diarist. A diary excerpt is published in Gienapp, William E., ed. The Civil War and Reconstruction: A Documentary Collection. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2001, pp. 313–314 ISBN 978-0-393-97555-0. A footnote in Gienapp shows the excerpt was taken from an edited version of the diaries by Allan Nevins and Milton Halsey Thomas, eds., The Diary of George Templeton Strong, vol. 2 (New York: The McMillan Company), pp. 600–601, which differs from the volume and page numbers of the original diaries; the actual diary is shown at https://digitalcollections.nyhistory.org/islandora/object/nyhs%3A55249 Archived November 16, 2022, at the Wayback Machine, the page in Strong's original handwriting is shown at that web page, it is Volume 4, pp. 124–125: diary entries for May 23 (continued)-June 7, 1865 of the original diaries; Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States, 1860–'65. Volume II. Hartford: O. D. Case & Company, 1866. OCLC 936872302. p. 757: "Though the war on land ceased, and the Confederate flag utterly disappeared from this continent with the collapse and dispersion of Kirby Smith's command...."; John William Draper, History of the American Civil War. [1] Volume 3. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1870. OCLC 830251756. Retrievfootnoed July 28, 2022. p. 618: "On the 26th of the same month General Kirby Smith surrendered his entire command west of the Mississippi to General Canby. With this, all military opposition to the government ended."; Jefferson Davis. The Rise And Fall Of The Confederate Government. Volume II. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1881. OCLC 1249017603. p. 630: "With General E. K. Smith's surrender the Confederate flag no longer floated on the land; p. 663: "When the Confederate soldiers laid down their arms and went home, all hostilities against the power of the Government of the United States ceased."; Ulysses S. Grant Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant. Volume 2. [2] New York: Charles L. Webster & Company, 1886. OCLC 255136538. p. 522: "General E. Kirby Smith surrendered the trans-Mississippi department on the 26th of May, leaving no other Confederate army at liberty to continue the war."; Frederick H. Dyer A compendium of the War of the Rebellion. [3] Des Moines, IA: Dyer Publishing Co., 1908. OCLC 8697590. Full entry on last Table of Contents page (unnumbered on download): "Alphabetical Index of Campaigns, Battles, Engagements, Actions, Combats, Sieges, Skirmishes, Reconnaissances, Scouts and Other Military Events Connected with the "War of the Rebellion" During the Period of Actual Hostilities, From April 12, 1861, to May 26, 1865"; Nathaniel W. Stephenson, The Day of the Confederacy, A Chronicle of the Embattled South, Volume 30 in The Chronicles Of America Series. [4] New Haven: Yale University Press; Toronto: Glasgow, Brook & Co.; London: Oxford University Press, 1919. p. 202: "The surrender of the forces of the Trans-Mississippi on May 26, 1865, brought the war to a definite conclusion."; Bruce Catton. The Centennial History of the Civil War. Vol. 3, Never Call Retreat. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1965. p. 445. "and on May 26 he [E. Kirby Smith] surrendered and the war was over"; and Gary W. Gallagher, Stephen D. Engle, Robert K. Krick & Joseph T. Glatthaar, foreword by James M. McPherson. The American Civil War: This Mighty Scourge of War. New York: Osprey Publishing, Ltd., 2003 ISBN 978-1-84176-736-9. p. 308: "By 26 May, General Edward Kirby Smith had surrendered the Rebel forces in the trans-Mississippi west. The war was over."
    ^ Jump up to:a b c d "Facts". National Park Service.
    ^ "Size of the Union Army in the American Civil War" Archived April 16, 2017, at the Wayback Machine: Of which 131,000 were in the Navy and Marines, 140,000 were garrison troops and home defense militia, and 427,000 were in the field army.
    ^ Long 1971, p. 705.
    ^ "The war of the rebellion: a compilation of the official records of the Union and Confederate armies; Series 4 – Volume 2" Archived July 25, 2017, at the Wayback Machine, United States War Dept., 1900.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Fox, William F. Regimental losses in the American Civil War Archived May 25, 2017, at the Wayback Machine (1889).
    ^ Jump up to:a b c d "DCAS Reports – Principal Wars, 1775–1991". dcas.dmdc.osd.mil.
    ^ Chambers & Anderson 1999, p. 849.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Rhodes, James Ford (1893). History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850. Harvard University. New York, Harper & Bros. pp. 507–508.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Nofi, Al (June 13, 2001). "Statistics on the War's Costs". Louisiana State University. Archived from the original on July 11, 2007. Retrieved October 14, 2007.
    ^ James Downs, "Colorblindness in the demographic death toll of the Civil War" Archived January 19, 2018, at the Wayback Machine. Oxford University Press blog, April 13, 2012. "The rough 19th century estimate was that 60,000 former slaves died from the epidemic, but doctors treating black patients often claimed that they were unable to keep accurate records due to demands on their time and the lack of manpower and resources. The surviving records only include the number of black patients whom doctors encountered; tens of thousands of other slaves had no contact with army doctors, leaving no records of their deaths." 60,000 documented plus 'tens of thousands' undocumented gives a minimum of 80,000 slave deaths.
    ^ Toward a Social History of the American Civil War Exploratory Essays, Cambridge University Press, 1990, p. 4.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c Hacker, J. David (September 20, 2011). "Recounting the Dead". The New York Times. Associated Press. Archived from the original on September 25, 2011. Retrieved September 22, 2011.
    ^ James Downs, "Colorblindness in the demographic death toll of the Civil War" Archived January 19, 2018, at the Wayback Machine. Oxford University Press blog, April 13, 2012. "An 2 April 2012 New York Times article, 'New Estimate Raises Civil War Death Toll', reports that a new study ratchets up the death toll from an estimated 650,000 to a staggering 850,000 people. As horrific as this new number is, it fails to reflect the mortality of former slaves during the war. If former slaves were included in this figure, the Civil War death toll would likely be over a million casualties ...".
    ^ Jump up to:a b "The Declaration of Causes of Seceding States. Primary Sources". American Battlefield Trust. 2023. Retrieved December 30, 2023.
    ^ "[B]y the dawn of the twenty-first century, a broad consensus regarding Civil War causation clearly reigned. Few mainstream scholars would deny that Abraham Lincoln got it right in his second inaugural address—that slavery was 'somehow' the cause of the war". Woods, Michael E., "What Twenty-First-Century Historians Have Said about the Causes of Disunion: A Civil War Sesquicentennial Review of the Recent Literature", The Journal of American History, Vol. 99, issue 2 (September 2012).
    ^ Brian Holden-Reid, The Origins of the American Civil War (Origins Of Modern Wars) (1996), p. 5.
    ^ "[I]n 1854, the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act ... overturned the policy of containment [of slavery] and effectively unlocked the gates of the Western territories (including both the old Louisiana Purchase lands and the Mexican Cession) to the legal expansion of slavery...." Guelzo, Allen C., Abraham Lincoln as a Man of Ideas, Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press (2009), p. 80.
    ^ Freehling, William W. (2008). The Road to Disunion: Secessionists Triumphant, 1854–1861. Oxford University Press. pp. 9–24. ISBN 978-0-19-983991-9. Martis, Kenneth C. (1989). Historical Atlas of Political Parties in the United States Congress: 1789–1988. Simon & Schuster Books For Young Readers. pp. 111–115. ISBN 978-0-02-920170-1. and Foner, Eric (1980). Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War. Oxford University Press. pp. 18–20, 21–24. ISBN 978-0-19-972708-7.
    ^ Coates, Ta-Nehisi (June 22, 2015). "What This Cruel War Was Over". The Atlantic. Retrieved December 21, 2016.
    ^ White, Ronald C. Jr. (2006). Lincoln's Greatest Speech: The Second Inaugural. Simon and Schuster. p. 81. ISBN 978-0-7432-9962-6.
    ^ Gallagher, Gary (February 21, 2011). Remembering the Civil War (Speech). Sesquicentennial of the Start of the Civil War. Miller Center of Public Affairs UV: C-Span. Retrieved August 29, 2017. Issues related to the institution of slavery precipitated secession.... It was not states' rights, it was not the tariff. It was not unhappiness with manners and customs that led to secession and eventually to war. It was a cluster of issues profoundly dividing the nation along a fault line delineated by the institution of slavery.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c d McPherson 1988, pp. vii–viii.
    ^ Dougherty, Keith L.; Heckelman, Jac C. (2008). "Voting on slavery at the Constitutional Convention". Public Choice. 136 (3–4): 293. doi:10.1007/s11127-008-9297-7. S2CID 14103553.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 7–8.
    ^ McPherson, James M. (1994). What They Fought For 1861–1865. Louisiana State University Press. p. 62. ISBN 978-0-8071-1904-4.
    ^ McPherson, James M. (1997). For Cause and Comrades. Oxford University Press. p. 39. ISBN 978-0-19-509023-9.
    ^ Gallagher, Gary (February 21, 2011). Remembering the Civil War (Speech). Sesquicentennial of the Start of the Civil War. Miller Center of Public Affairs UV: C-Span. Retrieved August 29, 2017. The loyal citizenry initially gave very little thought to emancipation in their quest to save the union.... Most loyal citizens, though profoundly prejudice[d] by 21st century standards[,] embraced emancipation as a tool to punish slaveholders, weaken the Confederacy, and protect the Union from future internal strife. A minority of the white populous invoked moral grounds to attack slavery, though their arguments carried far less weight than those presenting emancipation as a military measure necessary to defeat the rebels and restore the Union.
    ^ "Union Soldiers Condemn Slavery". SHEC: Resources for Teachers. The City University of New York Graduate Center. Retrieved February 2, 2023.
    ^ Eskridge, Larry (January 29, 2011). "After 150 years, we still ask: Why 'this cruel war'?". Canton Daily Ledger. Canton, Illinois. Archived from the original on February 1, 2011. Retrieved January 29, 2011.
    ^ Kuriwaki, Shiro; Huff, Connor; Hall, Andrew B. (2019). "Wealth, Slaveownership, and Fighting for the Confederacy: An Empirical Study of the American Civil War". American Political Science Review. 113 (3): 658–673. doi:10.1017/S0003055419000170. ISSN 0003-0554.
    ^ Weeks 2013, p. 240.
    ^ Olsen 2002, p. 237.
    ^ Chadwick, French Ensor (1906). Causes of the civil war, 1859–1861. p. 8 – via Internet Archive.
    ^ Julius, Kevin C (2004). The Abolitionist Decade, 1829–1838: A Year-by-Year History of Early Events in the Antislavery Movement. McFarland & Company.
    ^ Marcotte, Frank B. (2004). Six Days in April: Lincoln and the Union in Peril. Algora Publishing. p. 171.
    ^ Fleming, Thomas (2014). A Disease in the Public Mind: A New Understanding of Why We Fought the Civil War. Hachette Books. ISBN 978-0-306-82295-7.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 210.
    ^ Sewall, Samuel. The Selling of Joseph, pp. 1–3, Bartholomew Green & John Allen, Boston, Massachusetts, 1700.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McCullough, David. John Adams, pp. 132–133, Simon & Schuster, New York, 2001. ISBN 0-684-81363-7.
    ^ Ketcham, Ralph, James Madison: A Biography, pp. 625–626, American Political Biography Press, Newtown, Connecticut, 1971. ISBN 0-945707-33-9.
    ^ "Benjamin Franklin Petitions Congress". National Archives and Records Administration. August 15, 2016.
    ^ Franklin, Benjamin (February 3, 1790). "Petition from the Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery". Archived from the original on May 21, 2006. Retrieved May 21, 2006.
    ^ John Paul Kaminski (1995). A Necessary Evil?: Slavery and the Debate Over the Constitution. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 256. ISBN 978-0-945612-33-9.
    ^ Painter, Nell Irvin (2007). Creating Black Americans: African-American History and Its Meanings, 1619 to the Present. p. 72.
    ^ Wilson, Black Codes (1965), p. 15. "By 1775, inspired by those 'self-evident' truths which were to be expressed by the Declaration of Independence, a considerable number of colonists felt that the time had come to end slavery and give the free Negroes some fruits of liberty. This sentiment, added to economic considerations, led to the immediate or gradual abolition of slavery in six northern states, while there was a swelling flood of private manumissions in the South. Little actual gain was made by the free Negro even in this period, and by the turn of the century, the downward trend had begun again. Thereafter the only important change in that trend before the Civil War was that after 1831 the decline in the status of the free Negro became more precipitate."
    ^ Hubbard, Robert Ernest. General Rufus Putnam: George Washington's Chief Military Engineer and the "Father of Ohio", pp. 1–4, 105–106, McFarland & Company, Inc., Jefferson, North Carolina, 2020. ISBN 978-1-4766-7862-7.
    ^ McCullough, David. The Pioneers: The Heroic Story of the Settlers Who Brought the American Ideal West, pp. 4, 9, 11, 13, 29–30, Simon & Schuster, New York, 2019. ISBN 978-1-5011-6868-0.
    ^ Gradert, Kenyon. Puritan Spirits in the Abolitionist Imagination, pp. 1–3, 14–5, 24, 29–30, University of Chicago Press: Chicago and London, 2020. ISBN 978-0-226-69402-3.
    ^ Commager, Henry Steele. Theodore Parker, Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1936, pp. 206–210.
    ^ Anderson, Mic. "8 Influential Abolitionist Texts". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved January 7, 2021.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 38.
    ^ "The Sentimental Novel: The Example of Harriet Beecher Stowe" by Gail K. Smith, The Cambridge Companion to Nineteenth-Century American Women's Writing by Dale M. Bauer and Philip Gould, Cambridge University Press, 2001, p. 221. Book preview Archived November 16, 2022, at the Wayback Machine.
    ^ Fredrickson, George M., ed., The Impending Crisis of the South, Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1968. The quotation is from Frederickson's "Introduction", p. ix.
    ^ The Impending Crisis of the South, Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1968, p. 25.
    ^ Shapiro, William E. (1993). The Young People's Encyclopedia of the United States. Brookfield, Conn.: Millbrook Press. ISBN 1-56294-514-9. OCLC 30932823.
    ^ Robins, R.G. (2004). A.J. Tomlinson: Plainfolk Modernist. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-988317-2.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 40.
    ^ "Report on Slavery and Racism in the History of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary" (PDF). Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. December 2018. Archived (PDF) from the original on October 9, 2022. Retrieved July 29, 2019.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 39.
    ^ Donald 1995, pp. 188–189.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 41–46.
    ^ Krannawitter 2008, pp. 49–50.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 49–77.
    ^ McPherson 2007, p. 14.
    ^ Stampp 1990, pp. 190–193.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 51.
    ^ McPherson 2007, pp. 13–14.
    ^ Bestor 1964, p. 19.
    ^ McPherson 2007, p. 16.
    ^ Kerstetter, Todd M. (September 1, 2012). "The Mormon Rebellion: America's First Civil War, 1857–1858 . By David L. Bigler and Will Bagley. (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2011. pp. xv, 392.)". The Historian. 74 (3): 564–565. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.2012.00328_10.x. ISSN 0018-2370. S2CID 145299150.
    ^ Reséndez, Andrés (2016). The Other Slavery: The Uncovered Story of Indian Enslavement in America. HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-544-60267-0.
    ^ Bestor 1964, pp. 19–21.
    ^ Bestor 1964, p. 20.
    ^ Russell 1966, pp. 468–469.
    ^ Bestor, Arthur (1988). Friedman, Lawrence Meir; Scheiber, Harry N. (eds.). "The American Civil War as a Constitutional Crisis". American Historical Review. 69 (2). Harvard University Press: 327–352. doi:10.2307/1844986. ISBN 978-0-674-02527-1. JSTOR 1844986.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 52–54.
    ^ Bestor 1964, pp. 21–23.
    ^ Johannsen 1973, p. 406.
    ^ "Territorial Politics and Government". Territorial Kansas Online: University of Kansas and Kansas Historical Society. Retrieved July 10, 2014. Finteg.
    ^ Bestor 1964, p. 21.
    ^ Bestor 1964, p. 23.
    ^ Varon 2008, p. 58.
    ^ Russell 1966, p. 470.
    ^ Bestor 1964, pp. 23–24.
    ^ Bestor 1964, pp. 24–25.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Flanagin, Jake (April 8, 2015). "For the last time, the American Civil War was not about states' rights". Quartz. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Foner, Eric (January 23, 2015). "When the South Wasn't a Fan of States' Rights". Politico Magazine. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Finkelman, Paul (June 24, 2015). "States' Rights, Southern Hypocrisy, and the Crisis of the Union". Akron Law Review. 45 (2). ISSN 0002-371X.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c McPherson 2007, pp. 3–9.
    ^ Forrest McDonald, States' Rights and the Union: Imperium in Imperio, 1776–1876 (2002).
    ^ McPherson 2007, p. 7.
    ^ Krannawitter 2008, p. 232.
    ^ Gara, 1964, p. 190.
    ^ Jump up to:a b "States' Rights, the Slave Power Conspiracy, and the Causes of the Civil War". Concerning History. July 3, 2017. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Woods, Michael E. (2017). "'Tell Us Something about State Rights': Northern Republicans, States' Rights, and the Coming of the Civil War". Journal of the Civil War Era. 7 (2): 242–268. ISSN 2154-4727. JSTOR 26070516.
    ^ McCurry, Stephanie (June 21, 2020). "The Confederacy Was an Antidemocratic, Centralized State". The Atlantic. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Charles S. Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalism 1819–1848 (1948).
    ^ Robert Royal Russel, Economic Aspects of Southern Sectionalism, 1840–1861 (1973).
    ^ Ahlstrom 1972, pp. 648–649.
    ^ Kenneth M. Stampp, The Imperiled Union: Essays on the Background of the Civil War (1981), p. 198; Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Parrington (1969).
    ^ Woodworth 1996, pp. 145, 151, 505, 512, 554, 557, 684.
    ^ Thornton & Ekelund 2004, p. 21.
    ^ Frank Taussig, The Tariff History of the United States (1931), pp. 115–61
    ^ Hofstadter 1938, pp. 50–55.
    ^ Robert Gray Gunderson, Old Gentleman's Convention: The Washington Peace Conference of 1861. (1961).
    ^ Jon L. Wakelyn (1996). Southern Pamphlets on Secession, November 1860 – April 1861. University of North Carolina Press. pp. 23–30. ISBN 978-0-8078-6614-6.
    ^ Potter 1962b, pp. 924–950.
    ^ Bertram Wyatt-Brown, The Shaping of Southern Culture: Honor, Grace, and War, 1760s–1880s (2000).
    ^ Avery Craven, The Growth of Southern Nationalism, 1848–1861 (1953).
    ^ "Republican Platform of 1860", in Kirk H. Porter, and Donald Bruce Johnson, eds. National Party Platforms, 1840–1956, (University of Illinois Press, 1956). p. 32.
    ^ Susan-Mary Grant, North over South: Northern Nationalism and American Identity in the Antebellum Era (2000); Melinda Lawson, Patriot Fires: Forging a New American Nationalism in the Civil War North (2005).
    ^ Potter & Fehrenbacher 1976, p. 485.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 254–255.
    ^ "1861 Time Line of the Civil War". Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Retrieved January 22, 2022.
    ^ Jaffa, Harry V. (2004). A New Birth of Freedom: Abraham Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-8476-9953-7.
    ^ "1861 | Time Line of the Civil War". Library of Congress. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ Ordinances of Secession by State Archived June 11, 2004, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ The text of the Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union Archived February 20, 2019, at the Wayback Machine.
    ^ The text of A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union Archived October 10, 2014, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ The text of Georgia's secession declaration Archived July 14, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ The text of A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union Archived August 11, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 24.
    ^ President James Buchanan, Message of December 8, 1860 Archived December 20, 2008, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 28, 2012.
    ^ Winters 1963, p. 28.
    ^ "Profile Showing the Grades upon the Different Routes Surveyed for the Union Pacific Rail Road Between the Missouri River and the Valley of the Platte River". World Digital Library. 1865. Retrieved July 16, 2013.
    ^ "Abraham Lincoln imposes first federal income tax". History.com. Retrieved June 12, 2021.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 252–54.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 253.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 234–266.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, Monday, March 4, 1861.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 262.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Potter & Fehrenbacher 1976, pp. 572–573.
    ^ Harris, William C. (Winter 2000). "The Hampton Roads Peace Conference: A Final Test of Lincoln's Presidential Leadership". Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association. 21 (1). hdl:2027/spo.2629860.0021.104. ISSN 1945-7987.
    ^ Hardyman, Robyn (2016). What Caused the Civil War?. Gareth Stevens Publishing LLLP. p. 27. ISBN 978-1-4824-5180-1.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 264.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 265.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 266.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson 1988, p. 267.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 268.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 272.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 273.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 273–274.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 274.
    ^ "Abraham Lincoln: Proclamation 83 – Increasing the Size of the Army and Navy". Presidency.ucsb.edu. Retrieved November 3, 2011.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 278.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 276–307.
    ^ Jones 2011, pp. 203–204.
    ^ Jones 2011, p. 21.
    ^ "Civil War and the Maryland General Assembly, Maryland State Archives". msa.maryland.gov. Retrieved May 28, 2017.
    ^ Jump up to:a b "Teaching American History in Maryland – Documents for the Classroom: Arrest of the Maryland Legislature, 1861". Maryland State Archives. 2005. Archived from the original on January 11, 2008. Retrieved February 6, 2008.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 284–287.
    ^ William C. Harris, Lincoln and the Border States: Preserving the Union (University Press of Kansas, 2011), p. 71.
    ^ "One significant point of disagreement among historians and political scientists is whether Roger Taney heard Ex parte Merryman as a U.S. circuit judge or as a Supreme Court justice in chambers." White, Jonathan W., Abraham Lincoln and Treason in the Civil War: The Trials of John Merryman, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2011, pp. 38–39; Vladeck, Stephen I., "The Field Theory: Martial Law, The Suspension Power, and The Insurrection Act" Archived September 27, 2022, at the Wayback Machine, Temple Law Review, vol. 80, no. 2 (Summer 2007), p. 391, n.2.
    ^ Howard, F. K. (Frank Key) (1863). Fourteen Months in American Bastiles. London: H.F. Mackintosh. Retrieved August 18, 2014.
    ^ Nevins, The War for the Union (1959), 1:119–29.
    ^ Nevins, The War for the Union (1959), 1:129–36.
    ^ "A State of Convenience, The Creation of West Virginia". West Virginia Archives & History. Archived from the original on May 18, 2012. Retrieved April 20, 2012.
    ^ Curry, Richard Orr (1964), A House Divided: A Study of the Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia, University of Pittsburgh Press, map on p. 49.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 303.
    ^ Weigley 2004, p. 55.
    ^ Snell, Mark A., West Virginia and the Civil War, History Press, Charleston, SC, 2011, p. 28.
    ^ Neely 1993, pp. 10–11.
    ^ Keegan, The American Civil War (2009), p. 73. Over 10,000 military engagements took place during the war, 40 percent of them in Virginia and Tennessee. See Gabor Boritt, ed., War Comes Again (1995), p. 247.
    ^ "With an actual strength of 1,080 officers and 14,926 enlisted men on June 30, 1860, the Regular Army ..." Civil War Extracts Archived October 17, 2012, at the Wayback Machine pp. 199–221, American Military History.
    ^ Nicolay, John George; Hay, John (1890). Abraham Lincoln: A History. Century Company.
    ^ Coulter, E. Merton (1950). The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865: A History of the South. LSU Press. p. 308. ISBN 978-0-8071-0007-3.
    ^ Nicolay, John George; Hay, John (1890). Abraham Lincoln: A History. Century Company. state: "Since the organization of the Montgomery government in February, some four different calls for Southern volunteers had been made ... In his message of April 29 to the rebel Congress, Jefferson Davis proposed to organize for instant action an army of 100,000 ..." Coulter reports that Alexander Stephens took this to mean Davis wanted unilateral control of a standing army, and from that moment on became his implacable opponent.
    ^ Faust, Albert Bernhardt (1909). The German Element in the United States: With Special Reference to Its Political, Moral, Social, and Educational Influence. Houghton Mifflin Company. The railroads and banks grew rapidly. See Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxson. Jay Cooke: Financier Of The Civil War. Vol. 2. 1907. pp. 378–430.. See also Oberholtzer, Ellis Parson (1926). A history of the United States since the Civil War. The Macmillan company. pp. 69–12.
    ^ Barnet Schecter, The Devil's Own Work: The Civil War Draft Riots and the Fight to Reconstruct America (2007).
    ^ Eugene Murdock, One Million Men: the Civil War draft in the North (1971).
    ^ Judith Lee Hallock, "The Role of the Community in Civil War Desertion." Civil War History (1983) 29#2 pp. 123–134. online.
    ^ Bearman, Peter S. (1991). "Desertion as Localism: Army Unit Solidarity and Group Norms in the U.S. Civil War". Social Forces. 70 (2): 321–342. doi:10.1093/sf/70.2.321. JSTOR 2580242.
    ^ Robert Fantina, Desertion and the American Soldier, 1776–2006 (2006), p. 74.
    ^ Civil War Institute (January 5, 2015). "A Prussian Observes the American Civil War". The Gettysburg Compiler. Retrieved January 6, 2022.
    ^ Keegan 2009, p. 57.
    ^ Roger Pickenpaugh (2013). Captives in Blue: The Civil War Prisons of the Confederacy. University of Alabama Press. pp. 57–73. ISBN 978-0-8173-1783-6.
    ^ Tucker, Pierpaoli & White 2010, p. 1466.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Leonard, Elizabeth D. (1999). All the Daring of the Soldier: Women of the Civil War Armies. W.W. Norton & Co. ISBN 0-3930-4712-1.
    ^ "Highlights in the History of Military Women". Women In Military Service For America Memorial. Archived from the original on April 3, 2013. Retrieved June 22, 2013.
    ^ Pennington, Reina (2003). Amazons to Fighter Pilots: A Biographical Dictionary of Military Women (Volume Two). Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. pp. 474–75. ISBN 0-313-32708-4.
    ^ "The Case of Dr. Walker, Only Woman to Win (and Lose) the Medal of Honor". The New York Times. June 4, 1977. Retrieved January 6, 2018.
    ^ Welles 1865, p. 152.
    ^ Tucker, Pierpaoli & White 2010, p. 462.
    ^ Canney 1998, p. ?.
    ^ "American Civil War: The naval war". Britannica. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved January 24, 2022.
    ^ Nelson 2005, p. 92.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Anderson 1989, p. 300.
    ^ Myron J. Smith, Tinclads in the Civil War: Union Light-Draught Gunboat Operations on Western Waters, 1862–1865 (2009).
    ^ Gerald F. Teaster and Linda and James Treaster Ambrose, The Confederate Submarine H. L. Hunley (1989).
    ^ Nelson 2005, p. 345.
    ^ Fuller 2008, p. 36.
    ^ Richter 2009, p. 49.
    ^ Johnson 1998, p. 228.
    ^ Anderson 1989, pp. 288–289, 296–298.
    ^ Wise, 1991, p. 49.
    ^ Mendelsohn, 2012, pp. 43–44.
    ^ Stern 1962, pp. 224–225.
    ^ Mark E. Neely Jr. "The Perils of Running the Blockade: The Influence of International Law in an Era of Total War", Civil War History (1986) 32#2, pp. 101–18, in Project MUSE.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Stephen R. Wise, Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running during the Civil War (1991).
    ^ Surdam, David G. (1998). "The Union Navy's blockade reconsidered". Naval War College Review. 51 (4): 85–107.
    ^ David G. Surdam, Northern Naval Superiority and the Economics of the American Civil War (University of South Carolina Press, 2001).
    ^ David Keys (June 24, 2014). "Historians reveal secrets of UK gun-running which lengthened the American civil war by two years". The Independent.
    ^ Kevin Dougherty (2010). Weapons of Mississippi. University Press of Mississippi. p. 87. ISBN 9-7816-0473-4522.
    ^ Jones 2002, p. 225.
    ^ Dinçaslan 2022, p. 73.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 546–557.
    ^ Herring 2011, p. 237.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson 1988, p. 386.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Allan Nevins, War for the Union 1862–1863, pp. 263–264.
    ^ Jump up to:a b c Don H. Doyle, The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War, New York: Basic Books (2015), pp. 8 (quote), 69–70, 70–74.
    ^ Richard Huzzeym, Freedom Burning: Anti-Slavery and Empire in Victorian Britain (2013).
    ^ Jump up to:a b Stephen B. Oates, The Approaching Fury: Voices of the Storm 1820–1861, p. 125.
    ^ "The Trent Affair: Diplomacy, Britain, and the American Civil War – National Museum of American Diplomacy". January 5, 2022. Retrieved January 18, 2022.
    ^ Shawcross, Edward (2021). The Last Emperor of Mexico: The Dramatic Story of the Habsburg Archduke Who Created a Kingdom in the New World. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 978-1541-674196. Also titled The Last Emperor of Mexico: A Disaster in the New World. London: Faber & Faber, 2022.
    ^ Herring 2011, p. 261.
    ^ Norman E. Saul, Richard D. McKinzie. Russian-American Dialogue on Cultural Relations, 1776–1914 p. 95. ISBN 978-0826210975.
    ^ "Eastern Theater of the Civil War – Legends of America". www.legendsofamerica.com. Retrieved April 22, 2024.
    ^ Anderson 1989, p. 91.
    ^ Freeman, Vol. II, p. 78 and footnote 6.
    ^ Foote 1974, pp. 464–519.
    ^ Bruce Catton, Terrible Swift Sword, pp. 263–296.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 424–27.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson 1988, pp. 538–44.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 528–33.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 543–45.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 557–58.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 571–74.
    ^ Matteson, John, A Worse Place Than Hell: How the Civil War Battle of Fredericksburg Changed a Nation, New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2021.
    ^ Jones, Wilmer L. (2006). Generals in Blue and Gray: Lincoln's Generals. Stackpole Books. pp. 237–38. ISBN 978-1-4617-5106-9.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 639–45.
    ^ Jonathan A. Noyalas (2010). Stonewall Jackson's 1862 Valley Campaign. Arcadia Publishing. p. 93. ISBN 978-1-61423-040-3.
    ^ Thomas, Emory M. (1997). Robert E. Lee: A Biography. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 287. ISBN 978-0-393-31631-5.
    ^ "Salem Church". National Park Service. October 5, 2021. Retrieved March 30, 2022.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 653–63.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 664.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Bowery, Charles R. (2014). The Civil War in the Western Theater, 1862. Washington, D.C.: Center of Military History. pp. 58–72. ISBN 978-0160923166. OCLC 880934087.
    ^ "Vicksburg". American Battlefield Trust. Retrieved September 27, 2022.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 405–13.
    ^ Whitsell, Robert D. (1963). "Military and Naval Activity between Cairo and Columbus". Register of the Kentucky Historical Society. 62 (2): 107–21.
    ^ Frank & Reaves 2003, p. 170.
    ^ "Death of Albert Sidney Johnston – Tour Stop #17 (U.S. National Park Service)". www.nps.gov. Retrieved March 12, 2022.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson 1988, pp. 418–20.
    ^ Kennedy, p. 58.
    ^ Symonds & Clipson 2001, p. 92.
    ^ "10 Facts: The Vicksburg Campaign". American Battlefield Trust. January 31, 2013. Retrieved September 13, 2022.
    ^ Brown, Kent Masterson. The Civil War in Kentucky: Battle for the Bluegrass State. p. 95.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 419–20.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 480–83.
    ^ Ronald Scott Mangum, "The Vicksburg Campaign: A Study In Joint Operations", Parameters: U.S. Army War College (1991) 21#3, pp. 74–86 online Archived November 27, 2012, at the Wayback Machine
    ^ Miller, Donald L. Vicksburg: Grant's Campaign that Broke the Confederacy. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2019. ISBN 978-1-4516-4137-0.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 677–80.
    ^ "Sherman's March to the Sea". American Battlefield Trust. September 17, 2014.
    ^ Jones 2011, p. 1476.
    ^ Keegan 2009, p. 100.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 404–05.
    ^ James B. Martin, Third War: Irregular Warfare on the Western Border 1861–1865 (Combat Studies Institute Leavenworth Paper series, number 23, 2012). See also, Michael Fellman, Inside War: The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri during the Civil War (1989). Missouri alone was the scene of over 1,000 engagements between regular units, and uncounted numbers of guerrilla attacks and raids by informal pro-Confederate bands, especially in the recently settled western counties.
    ^ Bohl, Sarah (2004). "A War on Civilians: Order Number 11 and the Evacuation of Western Missouri". Prologue. 36 (1): 44–51.
    ^ Keegan 2009, p. 270.
    ^ Graves, William H. (1991). "Indian Soldiers for the Gray Army: Confederate Recruitment in Indian Territory". Chronicles of Oklahoma. 69 (2): 134–45.
    ^ Neet, J. Frederick Jr. (1996). "Stand Watie: Confederate General in the Cherokee Nation". Great Plains Journal. 6 (1): 36–51.
    ^ Keegan 2009, pp. 220–21.
    ^ Red River Campaign. Encyclopedia Britannica. online Archived March 27, 2022, at the Wayback Machine.
    ^ Symonds, Craig L. (2012). The Civil War at sea. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 110. ISBN 978-0-19-993168-2. OCLC 777948477.
    ^ "Second Battle of Fort Wagner | Summary | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved January 25, 2022.
    ^ Lattimore, Ralston B. "Battle for Fort Pulaski – Fort Pulaski National Monument (U.S. National Park Service)". www.nps.gov. Retrieved April 20, 2022.
    ^ Trefousse, Hans L. (1957). Ben Butler: The South Called Him Beast!. New York: Twayne. OCLC 371213.
    ^ "Vicksburg". American Battlefield Trust. Retrieved March 12, 2022.
    ^ "War in the West · Civil War · Digital Exhibits". digitalexhibits.wsulibs.wsu.edu. Retrieved March 7, 2022.
    ^ Mark E. Neely Jr.; "Was the Civil War a Total War?" Civil War History, Vol. 50, 2004, pp. 434+.
    ^ U.S. Grant (1990). Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant; Selected Letters. Library of America. p. 247. ISBN 978-0-940450-58-5.
    ^ Ron Field (2013). Petersburg 1864–65: The Longest Siege. Osprey Publishing. p. 6. ISBN 978-1-4728-0305-4.[permanent dead link]
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 724–35.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 728.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 724–42.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 778–79.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 773–76.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 812–15.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 825–30.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 846–47.
    ^ "Union / Victory! / Peace! / Surrender of General Lee and His Whole Army". The New York Times. April 10, 1865. p. 1.
    ^ Jump up to:a b "Most Glorious News of the War / Lee Has Surrendered to Grant ! / All Lee's Officers and Men Are Paroled". Savannah Daily Herald. Savannah, Georgia, U.S. April 16, 1865. pp. 1, 4.
    ^ Simpson, Brooks D., Let Us Have Peace: Ulysses S. Grant and the Politics of War and Reconstruction, 1861–1868, Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1991, p. 84.
    ^ William Marvel, Lee's Last Retreat: The Flight to Appomattox (2002), pp. 158–181.
    ^ Winik, Jay (2001). April 1865 : the month that saved America. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. pp. 188–189. ISBN 0-06-018723-9. OCLC 46543709.
    ^ Unaware of the surrender of Lee, on April 16 the last major battles of the war were fought at the Battle of Columbus, Georgia, and the Battle of West Point.
    ^ Long, p. 685.
    ^ Arnold, James R.; Wiener, Roberta (2016). Understanding U.S. Military Conflicts through Primary Sources [4 volumes]. American Civil War: ABC-CLIO. p. 15. ISBN 978-1-61069-934-1.
    ^ Long 1971, p. 688.
    ^ Bradley, Mark L. (2015). The Civil War Ends (PDF). US Army, Center of Military History. p. 68. Archived (PDF) from the original on October 9, 2022. Retrieved May 26, 2022.
    ^ Hunt 2015, p. 5.
    ^ Long 1971, p. 690.
    ^ Dunkerly 2015, p. 117.
    ^ Long 1971, p. 692.
    ^ "Ulysses S. Grant: The Myth of 'Unconditional Surrender' Begins at Fort Donelson". American Battlefield Trust. April 17, 2009. Archived from the original on February 7, 2016.
    ^ Morris, John Wesley (1977). Ghost Towns of Oklahoma. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 68. ISBN 978-0-8061-1420-0.
    ^ "The 58-year-old Cherokee chieftain was the last Confederate general to lay down his arms. The last Confederate-affiliated tribe to surrender was the Chickasaw nation, which capitulated on 14 July." Bradley, 2015, p. 69.
    ^ Conner, Robert C. General Gordon Granger: The Savior of Chickamauga and the Man Behind "Juneteenth". Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, 2013. ISBN 978-1-61200-186-9. p. 177.
    ^ Gates, Henry Louis Jr. (January 16, 2013). "What Is Juneteenth?". PBS. Retrieved June 12, 2020.
    ^ Abraham Lincoln, Proclamation 128—Claiming Equality of Rights with All Maritime Nations. Dated April 11, 1865. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project [5] Archived November 16, 2022, at the Wayback Machine. University of California, Santa Barbara. Retrieved July 25, 2022. The proclamation did not use the term "belligerent rights."
    ^ Neff 2010, p. 205.
    ^ Andrew Johnson, Proclamation 132—Ordering the Arrest of Insurgent Cruisers. Dated May 10, 1865. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project [6] Archived November 16, 2022, at the Wayback Machine. University of California, Santa Barbara. Retrieved July 25, 2022. The proclamation did not use the term "belligerent rights".
    ^ "Withdrawal of Belligerent Rights by Great Britain". Army and Navy Journal. 2 (44). New York: American News Company: 695. June 24, 1865. Retrieved July 25, 2022.
    ^ "England and the Termination of the Rebellion". Army and Navy Journal. 2 (48). New York: American News Company: 763. July 22, 1865. Retrieved July 25, 2022.
    ^ "Withdrawal of British Restrictions Upon American Naval Vessels". Army and Navy Journal. 3 (11). New York: American News Company: 172. November 4, 1865. Retrieved July 25, 2022.
    ^ Heidler, pp. 703–706.
    ^ Murray, Robert B. (Autumn 1967). The End of the Rebellion. The North Carolina Historical Review. p. 336. Retrieved May 6, 2022.
    ^ Neff 2010, p. 207.
    ^ Trudeau, Noah Andre (1994). Out of the Storm: The End of the Civil War, April–June 1865. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. p. 396. ISBN 978-0-316-85328-6. In United States v. Anderson, 76 U.S. 56 (1869), "The U.S. attorneys argued that the Rebellion had been suppressed following the surrender of the Trans-Mississippi Department, as established in the surrender document negotiated on May 26, 1865." p. 396. The Supreme Court decided that the "legal end of the American Civil War had been decided by Congress to be August 20, 1866—the date of Andrew Johnson's final proclamation on the conclusion of the Rebellion." p. 397.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 851.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 855.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Gabor S. Boritt, ed., Why the Confederacy Lost.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 771–772.
    ^ Railroad length is from: Chauncey Depew (ed.), One Hundred Years of American Commerce 1795–1895, p. 111; For other data see: 1860 U.S. Census Archived August 17, 2017, at the Wayback Machine and Carter, Susan B., ed. The Historical Statistics of the United States: Millennial Edition (5 vols), 2006.
    ^ Martis, Kenneth C. (1994). The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America: 1861–1865. Simon & Schuster. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-13-389115-7. At the beginning of 1865, the Confederacy controlled one third of its congressional districts, which were apportioned by population. The major slave populations found in Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Alabama were effectively under Union control by the end of 1864.
    ^ Digital History Reader, U.S. Railroad Construction, 1860–1880 Archived June 11, 2016, at the Wayback Machine Virginia Tech, Retrieved August 21, 2012. "Total Union railroad miles" aggregates existing track reported 1860 @ 21800 plus new construction 1860–1864 @ 5000, plus southern railroads administered by USMRR @ 2300.
    ^ Murray, Bernstein & Knox 1996, p. 235.
    ^ Heidler, Heidler & Coles 2002, pp. 1207–10.
    ^ Ward 1990, p. 272.
    ^ E. Merton Coulter, The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865 (1950), p. 566.
    ^ Richard E. Beringer, Herman Hattaway, Archer Jones and William N. Still Jr, Why the South Lost the Civil War (1991), ch 1.
    ^ see Alan Farmer, History Review (2005) Archived March 23, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, No. 52: 15–20.
    ^ McPherson 1997, pp. 169–72.
    ^ Gallagher 1999, p. 57.
    ^ Fehrenbacher, Don (2004). "Lincoln's Wartime Leadership: The First Hundred Days". Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association. 9 (1). University of Illinois. Retrieved October 16, 2007.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 382–88.
    ^ Don H. Doyle, The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War, New York: Basic Books (2015).
    ^ Fergus M. Bordewich, "The World Was Watching: America's Civil War slowly came to be seen as part of a global struggle against oppressive privilege" Archived February 21, 2017, at the Wayback Machine, Wall Street Journal (February 7–8, 2015).
    ^ Jump up to:a b c Dupont, Brandon; Rosenbloom, Joshua L. (2018). "The Economic Origins of the Postwar Southern Elite". Explorations in Economic History. 68: 119–31. doi:10.1016/j.eeh.2017.09.002.
    ^ "U.S. Civil War Took Bigger Toll Than Previously Estimated, New Analysis Suggests". Science Daily. September 22, 2011. Retrieved September 22, 2011.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Hacker 2011, pp. 307–48.
    ^ McPherson 1988, p. 854.
    ^ Vinovskis 1990, p. 7.
    ^ Richard Wightman Fox (2008). "National Life After Death". Slate.com.
    ^ "U.S. Civil War Prison Camps Claimed Thousands Archived February 25, 2010, at the Wayback Machine". National Geographic News. July 1, 2003.
    ^ Riordan, Teresa (March 8, 2004). "When Necessity Meets Ingenuity: Art of Restoring What's Missing". The New York Times. Associated Press. Retrieved December 23, 2013.
    ^ Herbert Aptheker, "Negro Casualties in the Civil War", The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 32, No. 1. (January 1947).
    ^ Jim Downs, Sick from Freedom: African-American Illness and Suffering during the Civil War and Reconstruction, Oxford University Press, 2012.
    ^ "The Battle of Gettysburg & the History of the Civil War Horse". June 25, 2013. Retrieved January 2, 2024.
    ^ "Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32., Confederate States' flags". www.perseus.tufts.edu. Retrieved January 9, 2024.
    ^ "Returned Flags Booklet, 1905 | A State Divided". PBS LearningMedia. Retrieved January 9, 2024.
    ^ "American Civil War Fortifications (2)". United States.
    ^ Foner 2010, p. 74.
    ^ Foner 1981, p. ?.
    ^ Jump up to:a b McPherson, pp. 506–08.
    ^ McPherson, p. 686.
    ^ Cathey, Libby (June 17, 2021). "Biden signs bill making Juneteenth, marking the end of slavery, a federal holiday". ABC News. Retrieved June 17, 2021.
    ^ Claudia Goldin, "The economics of emancipation." The Journal of Economic History 33#1 (1973): 66–85.
    ^ McPherson 1988, pp. 831–37.
    ^ Donald 1995, pp. 417–19.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Lincoln's letter to O. H. Browning, September 22, 1861. Sentiment among German Americans was largely antislavery especially among Forty-Eighters, resulting in hundreds of thousands of German Americans volunteering to fight for the Union."Wittke, Carl (1952). Refugees of Revolution. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-1-5128-0874-2." Christian B. Keller, "Flying Dutchmen and Drunken Irishmen: The Myths and Realities of Ethnic Civil War Soldiers", Journal of Military History, Vol. 73, No. 1, January 2009, pp. 117–145; for primary sources, see Walter D. Kamphoefner and Wolfgang Helbich, eds., Germans in the Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home (2006). "On the other hand, many of the recent immigrants in the North viewed freed slaves as competition for scarce jobs, and as the reason why the Civil War was being fought." Baker, Kevin (March 2003). "Violent City", American Heritage. Retrieved July 29, 2010. "Due in large part to this fierce competition with free blacks for labor opportunities, the poor and working class Irish Catholics generally opposed emancipation. When the draft began in the summer of 1863, they launched a major riot in New York City that was suppressed by the military, as well as much smaller protests in other cities." Barnet Schecter, The Devil's Own Work: The Civil War Draft Riots and the Fight to Reconstruct America (2007), ch. 6. Many Catholics in the North had volunteered to fight in 1861, sending thousands of soldiers to the front and suffering high casualties, especially at Fredericksburg; their volunteering fell off after 1862.
    ^ Baker, Kevin (March 2003). "Violent City", American Heritage. Retrieved July 29, 2010.
    ^ McPherson, James M., "Lincoln and the Strategy of Unconditional Surrender", in Boritt, Gabor S., ed., Lincoln, the War President, pp. 52–54; also in McPherson, James M., Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution, pp. 83–85.
    ^ Oates, Stephen B., Abraham Lincoln: The Man Behind the Myths, p. 106.
    ^ Stahr, Walter, Stanton: Lincoln's War Secretary, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2017, p. 226.
    ^ "Horace Greeley (1811–1872). "The Prayer of Twenty Millions". Stedman and Hutchinson, eds. 1891. A Library of American Literature: An Anthology in 11 Volumes". www.bartleby.com. June 14, 2022.
    ^ Lincoln's letter was published first in the Washington National Intelligencer on August 23, 1862. Holzer, Harold, Lincoln and the Power of the Press: The War for Public Opinion, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2014, p. 401.
    ^ Abraham Lincoln (August 24, 1862). "A LETTER FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN.; Reply to Horace Greeley. Slavery and the Union The Restoration of the Union the Paramount Object". The New York Times. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Wikidata Q116965145.
    ^ White, Jonathan W., A House Built by Slaves: African American Visitors to the Lincoln White House, Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2022, ch. 3.
    ^ Pulling, Sr. Anne Frances, Altoona: Images of America, Arcadia Publishing, 2001, 10.
    ^ Lincoln's Letter to A. G. Hodges, April 4, 1864.
    ^ "Lincoln Lore – Albert G. Hodges". apps.legislature.ky.gov. Retrieved January 20, 2022.
    ^ "Andrew Johnson and Emancipation in Tennessee – Andrew Johnson National Historic Site (U.S. National Park Service)". www.nps.gov.
    ^ Harper, Douglas (2003). "Slavery in Delaware". Archived from the original on October 16, 2007. Retrieved October 16, 2007.
    ^ Donald 1995, pp. 417–419.
    ^ McPherson, James, "A War that Never Goes Away", American Heritage, Vol. 41, no. 2 (Mar 1990). Archived February 18, 2022, at the Wayback Machine
    ^ Asante & Mazama 2004, p. 82.
    ^ Holzer & Gabbard 2007, pp. 172–74.
    ^ Rhodes-Pitts, Sharifa (October 9, 2014). "The Worth of Black Men, From Slavery to Ferguson". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved December 25, 2023.
    ^ The Economist, "The Civil War: Finally Passing Archived April 20, 2011, at the Wayback Machine", April 2, 2011, pp. 23–25.
    ^ Hans L. Trefousse, Historical Dictionary of Reconstruction (Greenwood, 1991) covers all the main events and leaders.
    ^ Eric Foner's A Short History of Reconstruction (1990) is a brief survey.
    ^ C. Vann Woodward, Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruction (2nd ed. 1991).
    ^ Williams, Susan Millar; Hoffius, Stephen G. (2011). Upheaval in Charleston: Earthquake and Murder on the Eve of Jim Crow. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 978-0-8203-3715-9. JSTOR j.ctt46nc9q – via JSTOR.
    ^ "Presidents Who Were Civil War Veterans". Essential Civil War Curriculum.
    ^ Joan Waugh and Gary W. Gallagher, eds. (2009), Wars within a War: Controversy and Conflict over the American Civil War (University of North Carolina Press).
    ^ David W. Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (2001).
    ^ Woodworth 1996, p. 208.
    ^ Cushman, Stephen (2014). Belligerent Muse: Five Northern Writers and How They Shaped Our Understanding of the Civil War. UNC Press Books. pp. 5–6. ISBN 978-1-4696-1878-4.
    ^ Charles F. Ritter and Jon L. Wakelyn, eds., Leaders of the American Civil War: A Biographical and Historiographical Dictionary (1998). Provides short biographies and historiographical summaries.
    ^ Oscar Handlin; Arthur M. Schlesinger Sr.; Samuel Eliot Morison; Frederick Merk; Arthur M. Schlesinger; Paul Herman Buck (1954), Harvard Guide to American History, Belknap Press, pp. 385–98, Wikidata Q118746838
    ^ Gaines M. Foster (1988), Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause and the Emergence of the New South, 1865–1913.
    ^ Nolan, Alan T., in Gallagher, Gary W., and Alan T. Nolan, The Myth of the Lost Cause and Civil War History (2000), pp. 14–19.
    ^ Nolan, The Myth of the Lost Cause, pp. 28–29.
    ^ Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (1927), 2:54.
    ^ Richard Hofstadter (2012) [1968]. Progressive Historians. Knopf Doubleday. p. 304. ISBN 978-0-307-80960-5.
    ^ [7] Archived November 18, 2018, at the Wayback Machine Murfreesboro Post, April 27, 2007, "Hazen's Monument a rare, historic treasure." Accessed May 30, 2018.
    ^ Timothy B. Smith, "The Golden Age of Battlefield Preservation" (2008; The University of Tennessee Press).
    ^ Bob Zeller, "Fighting the Second Civil War: A History of Battlefield Preservation and the Emergence of the Civil War Trust", (2017: Knox Press)
    ^ [8] Archived August 12, 2019, at the Wayback Machine American Battlefield Trust "Saved Land" page. Accessed May 30, 2018.
    ^ Cameron McWhirter, "Civil War Battlefields Lose Ground as Tourist Draws" The Wall Street Journal May 25, 2019 Archived October 10, 2019, at the Wayback Machine
    ^ Gary Gallagher, Causes Won, Lost, and Forgotten: How Hollywood and Popular Art Shape What We Know about the Civil War (Univ of North Carolina Press, 2008).
    ^ "Debate over Ken Burns Civil War doc continues over decades | The Spokesman-Review". spokesman.com. Retrieved May 4, 2020.
    ^ Merritt, Keri Leigh. "Why We Need a New Civil War Documentary". Smithsonian Magazine. Retrieved May 4, 2020.
    ^ Bailey, Thomas and David Kennedy: The American Pageant, p. 434. 1987
    ^ Dome, Steam (1974). "A Civil War Iron Clad Car". Railroad History. 130 (Spring 1974). The Railway & Locomotive Historical Society: 51–53.
    ^ William Rattle Plum, The Military Telegraph During the Civil War in the United States, ed. Christopher H. Sterling(New York: Arno Press, 1974) vol. 1:63.
    ^ Buckley, John (2006). Air Power in the Age of Total War. Routledge. pp. 6, 24. ISBN 978-1-135-36275-1.
    ^ Sondhaus, Naval Warfare 1815–1914 p. 77.
    ^ Keegan, John (2009). The American Civil War. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 75. ISBN 978-0-307-27314-7.
    ^ Hutchison, Coleman (2015). A History of American Civil War Literature. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-316-43241-9.
    Bibliography
    Main article: Bibliography of the American Civil War
    Ahlstrom, Sydney E. (1972). A Religious History of the American People. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-01762-5.
    Anderson, Bern (1989). By Sea and By River: The naval history of the Civil War. New York: Da Capo Press. ISBN 978-0-306-80367-3.[permanent dead link]
    Asante, Molefi Kete; Mazama, Ama (2004). Encyclopedia of Black Studies. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications. ISBN 978-0-7619-2762-4.
    Beringer, Richard E., Archer Jones, and Herman Hattaway (1986). Why the South Lost the Civil War, influential analysis of factors; an abridged version is The Elements of Confederate Defeat: Nationalism, War Aims, and Religion (1988)
    Bestor, Arthur (1964). "The American Civil War as a Constitutional Crisis". American Historical Review. 69 (2): 327–52. doi:10.2307/1844986. JSTOR 1844986.
    Canney, Donald L. (1998). Lincoln's Navy: The Ships, Men and Organization, 1861–65. Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-519-4.
    Chambers, John W.; Anderson, Fred (1999). The Oxford Companion to American Military History. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507198-6.
    Dinçaslan, M. Bahadırhan (2022). Amerikan İç Savaşı El Kitabı (US Civil War Handbook). Ankara, Turkey: Altınordu Yayınları Press. ISBN 978-6-257-61066-7.
    Donald, David Herbert (1995). Lincoln. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-684-80846-8.
    Dunkerly, Robert M. (2015). To the Bitter End: Appomattox, Bennett Place and the Surrenders of the Confederacy. El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie. ISBN 978-1-61121-252-5.
    Foner, Eric (1981). Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-502926-0. Retrieved April 20, 2012.
    Foner, Eric (2010). The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery. New York: W. W. Norton & Co. ISBN 978-0-393-34066-2.
    Foote, Shelby (1974). The Civil War: A Narrative: Volume 1: Fort Sumter to Perryville. New York: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-394-74623-4.
    Frank, Joseph Allan; Reaves, George A. (2003). Seeing the Elephant: Raw Recruits at the Battle of Shiloh. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-07126-3.
    Fuller, Howard J. (2008). Clad in Iron: The American Civil War and the Challenge of British Naval Power. Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-59114-297-3.
    Gallagher, Gary W. (1999). The Confederate War. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-16056-9.
    Gallagher, Gary W. (2011). The Union War. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-06608-3.
    Gallagher, Gary W., and Elizabeth R. Varon, eds. (2019). New Perspectives on the Union War. New York: Fordham University Press. online
    Gara, Larry (1964). "The Fugitive Slave Law: A Double Paradox," in Unger, Irwin, Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970 (originally published in Civil War History, Vol. 10, No. 3, September 1964, pp. 229–40).
    Hacker, J. David (December 2011). "A Census-Based Count of the Civil War Dead". Civil War History. 57 (4): 307–48. doi:10.1353/cwh.2011.0061. PMID 22512048. S2CID 30195230.
    Heidler, David S.; Heidler, Jeanne T.; Coles, David J. (2002). Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-57607-382-7.
    Herring, George C. (2011). From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations since 1776. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-976553-9.[permanent dead link]
    Hofstadter, Richard (1938). "The Tariff Issue on the Eve of the Civil War". American Historical Review. 44 (1): 50–55. doi:10.2307/1840850. JSTOR 1840850.
    Holzer, Harold; Gabbard, Sara Vaughn, eds. (2007). Lincoln and Freedom: Slavery, Emancipation, and the Thirteenth Amendment. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. ISBN 978-0-8093-2764-5.
    Hunt, Jeffrey Wm (2015). The Last Battle of the Civil War: Palmetto Ranch. Austin: University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-73461-6.
    Johannsen, Robert W. (1973). Stephen A. Douglas. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-501620-8.
    Johnson, Timothy D. (1998). Winfield Scott: The Quest for Military Glory. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-0914-7.
    Jones, Howard (2002). Crucible of Power: A History of American Foreign Relations to 1913. Wilmington, Delaware: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8420-2916-2.
    Jones, Terry L. (2011). Historical Dictionary of the Civil War. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-7953-9.
    Keegan, John (2009). The American Civil War: A Military History. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-307-26343-8.
    Krannawitter, Thomas L. (2008). Vindicating Lincoln: defending the politics of our greatest president. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 978-0-7425-5972-1.
    Long, E.B. (1971). The Civil War Day by Day: An Almanac, 1861–1865. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. OCLC 68283123.
    McPherson, James M. (1988). Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-503863-7.
    McPherson, James M. (1997). For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-974105-2.
    McPherson, James M. (2007). This Mighty Scourge: Perspectives on the Civil War. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-539242-5.
    Mendelsohn, Adam (2012). "Samuel and Saul Isaac: International Jewish Arms Dealers, Blockade Runners, and Civil War Profiteers" (PDF). Journal of the Southern Jewish Historical Society. 15. Southern Jewish Historical Society: 41–79. Archived (PDF) from the original on October 9, 2022.
    Murray, Williamson; Bernstein, Alvin; Knox, MacGregor (1996). The Making of Strategy: Rulers, States, and War. Cabmbridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-56627-8.
    Neely, Mark E. (1993). Confederate Bastille: Jefferson Davis and Civil Liberties. Milwaukee, Wisconsin: Marquette University Press. ISBN 978-0-87462-325-3.
    Neff, Stephen C. (2010). Justice in Blue and Gray: A Legal History of the Civil War. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-1-61121-252-5.
    Nelson, James L. (2005). Reign of Iron: The Story of the First Battling Ironclads, the Monitor and the Merrimack. New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-052404-3.
    Nevins, Allan. Ordeal of the Union, an 8-volume set (1947–1971). the most detailed political, economic and military narrative; by Pulitzer Prize-winner1. Fruits of Manifest Destiny, 1847–1852 online; 2. A House Dividing, 1852–1857; 3. Douglas, Buchanan, and Party Chaos, 1857–1859; 4. Prologue to Civil War, 1859–1861; vols 5–8 have the series title War for the Union; 5. The Improvised War, 1861–1862; 6. online; War Becomes Revolution, 1862–1863; 7. The Organized War, 1863–1864; 8. The Organized War to Victory, 1864–1865
    Olsen, Christopher J. (2002). Political Culture and Secession in Mississippi: Masculinity, Honor, and the Antiparty Tradition, 1830–1860. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516097-0.
    Potter, David M. (1962b). "The Historian's Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa". American Historical Review. 67 (4): 924–50. doi:10.2307/1845246. JSTOR 1845246.
    Potter, David M.; Fehrenbacher, Don E. (1976). The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861. New York: Harper & Row. ISBN 978-0-06-013403-7.
    Richter, William L. (2009). The A to Z of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Lanham: Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-6336-1.
    Russell, Robert R. (1966). "Constitutional Doctrines with Regard to Slavery in Territories". Journal of Southern History. 32 (4): 466–86. doi:10.2307/2204926. JSTOR 2204926.
    Sheehan-Dean, Aaron. A Companion to the U.S. Civil War 2 vol. (April 2014) Wiley-Blackwell, New York ISBN 978-1-444-35131-6. 1232 pp; 64 Topical chapters by scholars and experts; emphasis on historiography.
    Stampp, Kenneth M. (1990). America in 1857: A Nation on the Brink. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-503902-3.
    Stern, Phillip Van Doren (1962). The Confederate Navy. Doubleday & Company, Inc.
    Symonds, Craig L.; Clipson, William J. (2001). The Naval Institute Historical Atlas of the U.S. Navy. Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-984-0.
    Thornton, Mark; Ekelund, Robert Burton (2004). Tariffs, Blockades, and Inflation: The Economics of the Civil War. Rowman & Littlefield.
    Tucker, Spencer C.; Pierpaoli, Paul G.; White, William E. (2010). The Civil War Naval Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-59884-338-5.
    Varon, Elizabeth R. (2008). Disunion!: The Coming of the American Civil War, 1789–1859. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-3232-5.
    Vinovskis, Maris (1990). Toward a Social History of the American Civil War: Exploratory Essays. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-39559-5.
    Ward, Geoffrey R. (1990). The Civil War: An Illustrated History. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-394-56285-8.
    Weeks, William E. (2013). The New Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-00590-7.
    Weigley, Frank Russell (2004). A Great Civil War: A Military and Political History, 1861–1865. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-33738-2.
    Welles, Gideon (1865). Secretary of the Navy's Report. Vol. 37–38. American Seamen's Friend Society.
    Winters, John D. (1963). The Civil War in Louisiana. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 978-0-8071-0834-5.
    Wise, Stephen R. (1991). Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War. University of South Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8724-97993.  Borrow book at: archive.org
    Woodworth, Steven E. (1996). The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research. Wesport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-29019-0.
    Further reading
    Further information: Bibliography of the American Civil War and Bibliography of American Civil War naval history
    Catton, Bruce (1960). The Civil War. New York: American Heritage Distributed by Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 978-0-8281-0305-3., famous best seller
    Davis, William C. (1983). Stand in the Day of Battle: The Imperiled Union: 1861–1865. Garden City, New York: Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-14895-5.
    Davis, William C. (2003). Look Away!: A History of the Confederate States of America. New York: Free Press. ISBN 978-0-7432-3499-3.
    Diffley, Kathleen, and Coleman Hutchison, eds. The Cambridge Companion to the Literature of the American Civil War and Reconstruction (Cambridge University Press, 2022).
    Donald, David; Baker, Jean H.; Holt, Michael F. (2001). The Civil War and Reconstruction. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-97427-0., a standard scholarly history
    Fellman, Michael; Gordon, Lesley J.; Sutherland, Daniel E. (2007). This Terrible War: The Civil War and its Aftermath (2nd ed.). New York: Pearson. ISBN 978-0-321-38960-2.
    Green, Fletcher M. (2008). Constitutional Development in the South Atlantic States, 1776–1860: A Study in the Evolution of Democracy. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-1-58477-928-5.
    Guelzo, Allen C. (2009). Lincoln: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-536780-5.
    Guelzo, Allen C. (2012). Fateful Lightning: A New History of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-984328-2.
    Holt, Michael F. (2005). The Fate of Their Country: Politicians, Slavery Extension, and the Coming of the Civil War. New York: Hill and Wang. ISBN 978-0-8090-4439-9.
    Huddleston, John (2002). Killing Ground: The Civil War and the Changing American Landscape. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-6773-6.
    Jones, Howard (1999). Abraham Lincoln and a New Birth of Freedom: The Union and Slavery in the Diplomacy of the Civil War. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-2582-4.
    McPherson, James M. (1992). Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. ISBN 978-0-07-045842-0.
    Murray, Robert Bruce (2003). Legal Cases of the Civil War. Stackpole Books. ISBN 978-0-8117-0059-7.
    Perman, Michael; Taylor, Amy M. (2010). Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction: Documents and Essays (3rd ed.). Boston, Massachusetts: Cengage Learning. ISBN 978-0-618-87520-7.
    Potter, David M. (1962a) [1942]. Lincoln and His Party in the Secession Crisis. New Haven: Yale University Press.
    Rhodes, John Ford (1917). History of the Civil War, 1861–1865. New York: The Macmillan Company.; Pulitzer Prize
    White, Peter B. "Rebel, Remain, or Resign? Military Elites’ Decision-Making at the Onset of the American Civil War." Journal of Conflict Resolution (2023): 00220027231185575.
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    Statements of each state as to why they were seceding, battlefields.org
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    September 11 attacks
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    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    For other events on the same date, see September 11 attacks (disambiguation).
    "9/11" redirects here. For the calendar dates, see September 11 and November 9. For the reverse, see 11/9 (disambiguation).
    September 11 attacks
    Part of terrorism in the United States
     
    United Airlines Flight 175 hits the South Tower.
     
    Flight 77 hits The Pentagon.
     
    Fuselage of Flight 93 in Stonycreek Township
     
    View of the collapsing North Tower
     
    Collapse of the 7 WTC
     
    World Trade Center site after the attacks
     
    The Pentagon building on fire
    Location
    Lower Manhattan, New York
    Arlington County, Virginia
    Stonycreek Township, Pennsylvania
    [a]
    Date
    September 11, 2001; 22 years ago
    c. 08:13 a.m.[b] – 10:03 a.m.[c] (EDT)
    Target
    North Tower
    (AA 11)
    South Tower
    (UA 175)
    The Pentagon
    (AA 77)
    U.S. Capitol Building or the White House
    (UA 93; unsuccessful due to passenger revolt)
    Attack type
    Islamic terrorism, aircraft hijacking, suicide attack, mass murder
    Deaths
    2,996
    (2,977 victims + 19 Al-Qaeda terrorists)
    Injured
    6,000–25,000+[d]
    Perpetrators
    Al-Qaeda led by Osama bin Laden (see also: responsibility)
    No. of participants
    19
    Motive
    Several; see Motives for the September 11 attacks and Fatawā of Osama bin Laden
    Convicted
    Zacarias Moussaoui
    Imad Yarkas
    Mounir el-Motassadeq (see also: Trials related to the September 11 attacks)
    September 11 attacks
     
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    showCrash sites
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    al-Qaeda attacks
    The September 11 attacks, commonly known as 9/11,[e] were four coordinated Islamist suicide terrorist attacks carried out by Al-Qaeda against the United States on September 11, 2001. That morning, 19 terrorists hijacked four commercial airliners scheduled to travel from the East Coast to California. The hijackers crashed the first two planes into the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center in New York City, two of the world's five tallest buildings at the time, and aimed the next two flights toward targets in or near Washington, D.C., in an attack on the nation's capital. The third team succeeded in striking the Pentagon, the headquarters of the U.S. Department of Defense in Arlington County, Virginia, while the fourth plane crashed in rural Pennsylvania during a passenger revolt. The September 11 attacks killed 2,977 people, making them the deadliest terrorist attack in history, and instigated the multi-decade global war on terror, fought in Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere.

    The first impact was that of American Airlines Flight 11, which ringleader Mohamed Atta flew into the North Tower of the World Trade Center complex in Lower Manhattan at 8:46 a.m.[f] Seventeen minutes later, at 9:03,[g] the World Trade Center's South Tower was hit by United Airlines Flight 175. Both 110-story skyscrapers collapsed within an hour and forty-one minutes,[h] bringing about the destruction of the remaining five structures in the WTC complex and damaging or destroying nearby buildings. A third flight, American Airlines Flight 77, crashed into the Pentagon at 9:37 a.m., causing a partial collapse. The fourth and final flight, United Airlines Flight 93, flew in the direction of the capital. Alerted to the previous attacks, the passengers fought for control, forcing the hijackers to nosedive the plane into a Stonycreek Township field, near Shanksville, at 10:03 a.m. Investigators determined that Flight 93's target was either the United States Capitol or the White House.

    That evening, the Central Intelligence Agency informed President George W. Bush that its Counterterrorism Center had identified the attacks as having been the work of Al-Qaeda under Osama bin Laden's leadership. The United States formally responded by launching the war on terror and invading Afghanistan to depose the Taliban, which rejected the conditions of U.S. terms to expel Al-Qaeda from Afghanistan and extradite its leaders. The U.S.'s invocation of Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty—its only usage to date—called upon allies to fight Al-Qaeda. As U.S. and NATO invasion forces swept through Afghanistan, bin Laden eluded them by disappearing into the White Mountains. He denied any involvement until 2004, when excerpts of a taped statement in which he accepted responsibility for the attacks were released. Al-Qaeda's cited motivations included U.S. support of Israel, the presence of U.S. military bases in Saudi Arabia and sanctions against Iraq. The nearly decade-long manhunt for bin Laden concluded on May 2, 2011, when he was killed during a U.S. military raid after being tracked down to his compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. The war in Afghanistan continued for another eight years until the agreement was made in February 2020 for American and NATO troops to withdraw from the country, and the last members of the U.S. armed forces left the region on August 30, 2021, after which the Taliban returned to power. Ayman al-Zawahiri, another planner of the attacks who succeeded bin Laden as leader of Al-Qaeda, was killed by U.S. drone strikes in Kabul, Afghanistan on July 31, 2022.[14]

    Excluding the hijackers, the attacks killed 2,977 people, injured thousands more and gave rise to substantial long-term health consequences while also causing at least $10 billion in infrastructure and property damage. It remains the deadliest terrorist attack in history as well as the deadliest incident for firefighters and law enforcement personnel in US history, killing 343 and 72 members, respectively. The loss of life stemming from the impact of Flight 11 secured its place as the most lethal plane crash in aviation history followed by the death toll incurred by Flight 175. The destruction of the World Trade Center and its environs seriously harmed the U.S. economy and induced global market shocks. Many other countries strengthened anti-terrorism legislation and expanded their powers of law enforcement and intelligence agencies. Cleanup of the World Trade Center site (colloquially "Ground Zero") took eight months and was completed in May 2002, while the Pentagon was repaired within a year. After delays in the design of a replacement complex, construction of the One World Trade Center began in November 2006; it opened in November 2014. Memorials to the attacks include the National September 11 Memorial & Museum in New York City, The Pentagon Memorial in Arlington County, Virginia, and the Flight 93 National Memorial at the Pennsylvania crash site.

    Background
    Further information: Fatawā of Osama bin Laden and Political views of Osama bin Laden
    Al-Qaeda
    Main article: Al-Qaeda
    Further information: Jihad
    Al-Qaeda's origins can be traced to 1979, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan.[15] Soon after the invasion, Osama bin Laden traveled to Afghanistan and helped organize Arab mujahideen (the "Afghan Arabs") to resist the "Communist invaders" (Soviets) until their exit from the country in 1989.[16][17] In 1984, bin Laden, along with Islamic scholar Abdullah Azzam, formed the Maktab al-Khidamat (MAK), an organization to support Arab mujahideen who came to join the jihad in Afghanistan.[15][18]

    The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) funnelled several billion dollars worth of weapons to the indigenous Afghan mujahideen resistance, a portion of which bled to the Arab volunteers.[19] However, no direct evidence of U.S. aid to bin Laden or any of his affiliates was ever uncovered.[20]

    In 1996, bin Laden issued his first fatwā, which declared war against the United States and demanded the expulsion of all American soldiers from the Arabian Peninsula.[21] In a second 1998 fatwā, bin Laden outlined his objections to American foreign policy with respect to the State of Israel, as well as the continued presence of American troops in Saudi Arabia after the Gulf War.[22] Bin Laden maintained that Muslims are obliged to attack American targets until the aggressive policies of the U.S. against Muslims were reversed. According to bin Laden, Islamic jurists had "throughout Islamic history unanimously agreed that the jihad is an individual duty if the enemy destroys the Muslim countries".[22][23]

    The Hamburg cell in Germany included Islamists who eventually came to be key operatives in the 9/11 attacks.[24] Mohamed Atta; Marwan al-Shehhi; Ziad Jarrah; Ramzi bin al-Shibh; and Said Bahaji were all members of Al-Qaeda's Hamburg cell.[25] Bin Laden asserted that all Muslims must wage a defensive war against the United States, and combat American aggression. He further argued that military strikes against American assets would send a message to the American people, attempting to force the U.S. to re-evaluate its support to Israel, and other aggressive policies.[26] In a 1998 interview with American journalist John Miller, bin Laden stated:

    [W]e tell the Americans as people and we tell the mothers of soldiers and American mothers in general that if they value their lives and the lives of their children, to find a nationalistic government that will look after their interests and not the interests of the Jews. The continuation of tyranny will bring the fight to America, as [the 1993 World Trade Center bomber] Ramzi [Yousef] yourself and others did. This is my message to the American people: to look for a serious government that looks out for their interests and does not attack others, their lands, or their honour. My word to American journalists is not to ask why we did that but to ask what their government has done that forced us to defend ourselves.

    — Osama bin Laden, in his interview with John Miller, May 1998, [27]
    Osama bin Laden
    Main article: Osama bin Laden
    Further information: Militant career of Osama bin Laden
     Osama bin Laden in 1997–1998
    Bin Laden orchestrated the September 11 attacks. He initially denied involvement, but later recanted his denial.[28][29][30] Al Jazeera broadcast a statement by him on September 16, 2001: "I stress that I have not carried out this act, which appears to have been carried out by individuals with their own motivation".[31] In November 2001, U.S. forces recovered a videotape from a destroyed house in Jalalabad, Afghanistan. In the video, bin Laden, talking to Khaled al-Harbi, admitted foreknowledge of the attacks.[32] On December 27, 2001, a second video of bin Laden was released in which he, stopping short of admitting responsibility for the attacks, said:[33]

    It has become clear that the West in general and America in particular have an unspeakable hatred for Islam. ... It is the hatred of crusaders. Terrorism against America deserves to be praised because it was a response to injustice, aimed at forcing America to stop its support for Israel, which kills our people. ... We say that the end of the United States is imminent, whether Bin Laden or his followers are alive or dead, for the awakening of the Muslim ummah [nation] has occurred. ... It is important to hit the economy (of the United States), which is the base of its military power...If the economy is hit they will become reoccupied.

    — Osama bin Laden
    Shortly before the 2004 U.S. presidential election, bin Laden used a taped statement to publicly acknowledge Al-Qaeda's involvement in the attacks.[28] He admitted his direct link to the attacks and said they were carried out because:

    The events that affected my soul in a direct way started in 1982 when America permitted the Israelis to invade Lebanon and the American Sixth Fleet helped them in that. This bombardment began and many were killed and injured and others were terrorised and displaced.

    I couldn't forget those moving scenes, blood and severed limbs, women and children sprawled everywhere. Houses were destroyed along with their occupants high rises demolished over their residents, rockets raining down on our home without mercy...As I looked at those demolished towers in Lebanon, it entered my mind that we should punish the oppressor in kind and that we should destroy towers in America so that they taste some of what we tasted and so that they be deterred from killing our women and children.

    And that day, it was confirmed to me that oppression and the intentional killing of innocent women and children is a deliberate American policy. Destruction is freedom and democracy, while resistance is terrorism and intolerance.[34]
    Bin Laden personally directed his followers to attack the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.[35][36] Another video obtained by Al Jazeera in September 2006 showed bin Laden with one of the attacks' chief planners, Ramzi bin al-Shibh, as well as hijackers, Hamza al-Ghamdi and Wail al-Shehri, amidst making preparations for the attacks.[37] Bin Laden had been on the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Most Wanted List since 1998 for the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya.[38][39]

    Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and other Al-Qaeda members
    Main article: Khalid Sheikh Mohammed
     Khalid Sheikh Mohammed after his 2003 capture in Rawalpindi, Pakistan
    Journalist Yosri Fouda of the Arabic television channel Al Jazeera reported that in April 2002 Al-Qaeda member Khalid Sheikh Mohammed admitted his involvement in the attacks, along with Ramzi bin al-Shibh.[40][41][42] The 2004 9/11 Commission Report determined that Mohammed's animosity towards the United States, the principal architect of the 9/11 attacks, stemmed from his "violent disagreement with U.S. foreign policy favoring Israel".[43] Mohammed was also an adviser and financier of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and the uncle of Ramzi Yousef, the lead bomber in that attack.[44][45] In late 1994, Mohammed and Yousef moved on to plan a new terrorist attack called the Bojinka plot planned for January 1995. Despite a failure and Yousef's capture by U.S. forces the following month, the Bojinka plot would influence the later 9/11 attacks.[46]

    In "Substitution for Testimony of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed" from the trial of Zacarias Moussaoui, five people are identified as having been completely aware of the operation's details. They are bin Laden; Khalid Sheikh Mohammed; Ramzi bin al-Shibh; Abu Turab al-Urduni; and Mohammed Atef.[47]

    Motives
    Main article: Motives for the September 11 attacks
    Further information: Fatwa of Osama bin Laden
    Osama bin Laden's declaration of a holy war against the United States, and a 1998 fatwā signed by bin Laden and others that called for the killing of Americans,[22][48] are seen by investigators as evidence of his motivation.[49] During his interview with Hamid Mir in November 2001, Bin Laden defended the September 11 attacks as retaliatory strikes against American atrocities against Muslims across the world. He also maintained that the attacks were not directed against women and children, asserting that the targets of the strikes were symbols of America's "economic and military power".[50][51]

    In bin Laden's November 2002 "Letter to the American people", he explicitly stated that al-Qaeda's motives for the attacks included:

    U.S. support of Israel[52][53]
    Bin Laden's strategy to support and globally expand the Al-Aqsa Intifada[54][55][56][57]
    Attacks against Muslims by U.S.-led coalition in Somalia
    U.S. support of the government of Philippines against Muslims in the Moro conflict
    U.S. support for the Israeli occupation of Southern Lebanon
    U.S. support of Russian atrocities against Muslims in Chechnya
    Pro-American governments in the Middle East (who "act as your agents") being against Muslim interests
    U.S. support of Indian oppression against Muslims in Kashmir
    The presence of U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia[58]
    The sanctions against Iraq[52]
    Environmental destruction[59][60][61]
    After the attacks, bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri released additional videotapes and audio recordings, some of which repeated the above reasons for the attacks. Two relevant publications were bin Laden's 2002 "Letter to the American people"[62] and a 2004 videotape by bin Laden.[63]

    [...] those young men, for whom God has cleared the way, didn't set out to kill children, but rather attacked the biggest centre of military power in the world, the Pentagon, which contains more than 64,000 workers, a military base which has a big concentration of army and intelligence ... As for the World Trade Center, the ones who were attacked and who died in it were part of a financial power. It wasn't a children's school! Neither was it a residence. The consensus is that most of the people who were in the towers were men who backed the biggest financial force in the world, which spreads mischief throughout the world.
    —Osama Bin Laden's interview with Tayseer Allouni, October 21, 2001[64]
    As an adherent of Islam, bin Laden believed that non-Muslims are forbidden from having a permanent presence in the Arabian Peninsula.[65] In 1996, bin Laden issued a fatwā calling for American troops to leave Saudi Arabia. In 1998, Al-Qaeda wrote "For over seven years the United States has been occupying the lands of Islam in the holiest of places, the Arabian Peninsula, plundering its riches, dictating to its rulers, humiliating its people, terrorizing its neighbours, and turning its bases in the Peninsula into a spearhead through which to fight the neighbouring Muslim peoples".[66]

    In a December 1999 interview, bin Laden said he felt that Americans were "too near to Mecca", and considered this a provocation to the entire Muslim world.[67] One analysis of suicide terrorism suggested that without U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia, Al-Qaeda likely would not have been able to get people to commit to suicide missions.[68]

    In the 1998 fatwā, Al-Qaeda identified the Iraq sanctions as a reason to kill Americans, condemning the "protracted blockade" among other actions that constitute a declaration of war against "Allah, his messenger, and Muslims".[66] The fatwā declared that "the ruling to kill the Americans and their allies—civilians and military—is an individual duty for every Muslim who can do it in any country in which it is possible to do it, in order to liberate the al-Aqsa Mosque and the holy mosque of Mecca from their grip, and in order for their [the Americans'] armies to move out of all the lands of Islam, defeated and unable to threaten any Muslim".[22][69]

    In 2004, bin Laden claimed that the idea of destroying the towers had first occurred to him in 1982 when he witnessed Israel's bombardment of high-rise apartment buildings during the 1982 Lebanon War.[70][71] Some analysts, including political scientists John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, also claimed that U.S. support of Israel was a motive for the attacks.[53][67] In 2004 and 2010, bin Laden again connected the September 11 attacks with U.S. support of Israel, although most of the letters expressed bin Laden's disdain for President Bush and bin Laden's hope to "destroy and bankrupt" the U.S.[72][73]

    Other motives have been suggested in addition to those stated by bin Laden and Al-Qaeda. Some authors suggested the "humiliation" that resulted from the Islamic world falling behind the Western world—this discrepancy was rendered especially visible by globalization[74][75] and a desire to provoke the U.S. into a broader war against the Islamic world in the hope of motivating more allies to support Al-Qaeda. Similarly, others have argued the 9/11 attacks were a strategic move to provoke America into a war that would incite a pan-Islamic revolution.[76][77]

    Documents seized during the 2011 operation that killed bin Laden included a few notes handwritten by bin Laden in September 2002 with the heading "The Birth of the Idea of September 11". In these notes, he describes how he was inspired by the crash of EgyptAir Flight 990 on October 31, 1999, which was deliberately crashed by co-pilot Gameel Al-Batouti. "This is how the idea of 9/11 was conceived and developed in my head, and that is when we began the planning" bin Laden continued, adding that no one but Abu Hafs and Abu al-Khair knew about it at the time. The 9/11 Commission Report identified Khalid Sheikh Mohammed as the architect of 9/11, but he is not mentioned in bin Laden's notes.[78]

    Planning
    Main article: Planning of the September 11 attacks
     Map of the attacks on the World Trade Center
     Diagram of the World Trade Center attacks
    The attacks were conceived by Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who first presented it to Osama bin Laden in 1996.[79] At that time, bin Laden and Al-Qaeda were in a period of transition, having just relocated back to Afghanistan from Sudan.[80] The 1998 African embassy bombings and bin Laden's February 1998 fatwā marked a turning point of Al-Qaeda's terrorist operation,[81] as bin Laden became intent on attacking the United States.

    In late 1998 or early 1999, bin Laden approved Mohammed to go forward with organizing the plot.[82] Mohammed, bin Laden, and Mohammed Atef, bin Laden's deputy, held a series of meetings in early 1999.[83] Atef provided operational support, including target selections and helping arrange travel for the hijackers.[80] Bin Laden overruled Mohammed, rejecting potential targets such as the U.S. Bank Tower in Los Angeles for lack of time.[84][85]

    Bin Laden provided leadership and financial support and was involved in selecting participants.[86] He initially selected Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar, both experienced jihadists who had fought in Bosnia. Hazmi and Mihdhar arrived in the United States in mid-January 2000. In early 2000, Hazmi and Mihdhar took flying lessons in San Diego, California. Both spoke little English, performed poorly in flying lessons, and eventually served as secondary "muscle" hijackers.[87][88]

    In late 1999, a group of men from Hamburg, Germany, arrived in Afghanistan. The group included Mohamed Atta, Marwan al-Shehhi, Ziad Jarrah, and Ramzi bin al-Shibh.[89] Bin Laden selected these men because they were educated, could speak English, and had experience living in the West.[90] New recruits were routinely screened for special skills and Al-Qaeda leaders consequently discovered that Hani Hanjour already had a commercial pilot's license.[91] Mohammed later said that he helped the hijackers blend in by teaching them how to order food in restaurants and dress in Western clothing.[92]

    Hanjour arrived in San Diego on December 8, 2000, joining Hazmi.[93]: 6–7  They soon left for Arizona, where Hanjour took refresher training.[93]: 7  Marwan al-Shehhi arrived at the end of May 2000, while Atta arrived on June 3, 2000, and Jarrah arrived on June 27, 2000.[93]: 6  Bin al-Shibh applied several times for a visa to the United States, but as a Yemeni, he was rejected out of concerns he would overstay his visa.[93]: 4, 14  Bin al-Shibh stayed in Hamburg, providing coordination between Atta and Mohammed.[93]: 16  The three Hamburg cell members all took pilot training in South Florida at Huffman Aviation.[93]: 6 

    In the spring of 2001, the secondary hijackers began arriving in the United States.[94] In July 2001, Atta met with bin al-Shibh in Tarragona, Catalonia, Spain, where they coordinated details of the plot, including final target selection. Bin al-Shibh also passed along bin Laden's wish for the attacks to be carried out as soon as possible.[95] Some of the hijackers received passports from corrupt Saudi officials who were family members or used fraudulent passports to gain entry.[96]

    There have been a few theories that 9/11 was selected by the hijackers as the date of the attack because it resembled 9-1-1, the phone number used to report emergencies in the United States. However, Lawrence Wright wrote that the hijackers chose the date when John III Sobieski, the King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania, began the battle that turned back the Ottoman Empire's Muslim armies that were attempting to capture Vienna (present-day capital of Austria) on 11 September 1683. During 1683, Vienna was the seat of the Holy Roman Empire and Habsburg monarchy, both major powers in Europe at the time. For Osama bin Laden, this was a date when the West gained some dominance over Islam, and by attacking on this date, he hoped to make a step in Islam "winning" the war for worldwide power and influence.[97]

    Prior intelligence
    Main article: September 11 intelligence before the attacks
    In late 1999, Al-Qaeda associate Walid bin Attash ("Khallad") contacted Mihdhar and told him to meet in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; Hazmi and Abu Bara al Yemeni would also be in attendance. The NSA intercepted a telephone call mentioning the meeting, Mihdhar, and the name "Nawaf" (Hazmi); while the agency feared "Something nefarious might be afoot", it took no further action.

    The CIA had already been alerted by Saudi intelligence about the status of Mihdhar and Hazmi as Al-Qaeda members and a CIA team broke into Mihdhar's Dubai hotel room and discovered that Mihdhar had a U.S. visa. While Alec Station alerted intelligence agencies worldwide about this fact, it did not share this information with the FBI. The Malaysian Special Branch observed the January 5, 2000, meeting of the two Al-Qaeda members and informed the CIA that Mihdhar, Hazmi, and Khallad were flying to Bangkok, but the CIA never notified other agencies of this, nor did it ask the State Department to put Mihdhar on its watchlist. An FBI liaison to Alec Station asked permission to inform the FBI of the meeting but was told: "This is not a matter for the FBI".[98]

    By late June, senior counter-terrorism official Richard Clarke and CIA director George Tenet were "convinced that a major series of attacks was about to come", although the CIA believed the attacks would likely occur in Saudi Arabia or Israel.[99] In early July, Clarke put domestic agencies on "full alert", telling them, "Something spectacular is going to happen here, and it's going to happen soon". He asked the FBI and the State Department to alert the embassies and police departments, and the Defense Department to go to "Threat Condition Delta".[100][101] Clarke later wrote: "Somewhere in CIA there was information that two known al Qaeda terrorists had come into the United States. Somewhere in the FBI, there was information that strange things had been going on at flight schools in the United States. [...] They had specific information about individual terrorists from which one could have deduced what was about to happen. None of that information got to me or the White House".[102]

    [...] by July [2001], with word spreading of a coming attack, a schism emerged among the senior leadership of al Qaeda. Several senior members reportedly agreed with Mullah Omar. Those who reportedly sided with bin Ladin included Atef, Sulayman Abu Ghayth, and KSM. But those said to have opposed him were weighty figures in the organization-including Abu Hafs the Mauritanian, Sheikh Saeed al Masri, and Sayf al Adl. One senior al Qaeda operative claims to recall Bin Ladin arguing that attacks against the United States needed to be carried out immediately to support insurgency in the Israeli-occupied territories and protest the presence of U.S. forces in Saudi Arabia.
    —9/11 Commission Report, p. 251[103]
    On July 13, Tom Wilshire, a CIA agent assigned to the FBI's international terrorism division, emailed his superiors at the CIA's Counterterrorism Center (CTC) requesting permission to inform the FBI that Hazmi was in the country and that Mihdhar had a U.S. visa. The CIA never responded.[104]

    The same day in July, Margarette Gillespie, an FBI analyst working in the CTC, was told to review material about the Malaysia meeting. She was not told of the participant's presence in the U.S. The CIA gave Gillespie surveillance photos of Mihdhar and Hazmi from the meeting to show to FBI counterterrorism but did not tell her their significance. The Intelink database informed her not to share intelligence material at the meeting with criminal investigators. When shown the photos, the FBI refused more details on their significance, and they were not given Mihdhar's date of birth or passport number.[105] In late August 2001, Gillespie told the INS, the State Department, the Customs Service, and the FBI to put Hazmi and Mihdhar on their watchlists, but the FBI was prohibited from using criminal agents in searching for the duo, hindering their efforts.[106]

    Also in July, a Phoenix-based FBI agent sent a message to FBI headquarters, Alec Station, and FBI agents in New York alerting them to "the possibility of a coordinated effort by Osama bin Laden to send students to the United States to attend civil aviation universities and colleges". The agent, Kenneth Williams, suggested the need to interview all flight school managers and identify all Arab students seeking flight training.[107] In July, Jordan alerted the U.S. that Al-Qaeda was planning an attack on the U.S.; "months later", Jordan notified the U.S. that the attack's codename was "The Big Wedding" and that it involved aeroplanes.[108]

    On August 6, 2001, the CIA's Presidential Daily Brief ("PDB"), designated "For the President Only", was entitled Bin Ladin Determined to Strike in US. The memo noted that FBI information "indicates patterns of suspicious activity in this country consistent with preparations for hijackings or other types of attacks".[109]

    In mid-August, one Minnesota flight school alerted the FBI about Zacarias Moussaoui, who had asked "suspicious questions". The FBI found that Moussaoui was a radical who had travelled to Pakistan, and the INS arrested him for overstaying his French visa. Their request to search his laptop was denied by FBI headquarters due to the lack of probable cause.[110]

    The failures in intelligence-sharing were attributed to 1995 Justice Department policies limiting intelligence-sharing, combined with CIA and NSA reluctance to reveal "sensitive sources and methods" such as tapped phones.[111] Testifying before the 9/11 Commission in April 2004, then—Attorney General John Ashcroft recalled that the "single greatest structural cause for the September 11th problem was the wall that segregated or separated criminal investigators and intelligence agents".[112] Clarke also wrote: "[T]here were... failures to get information to the right place at the right time".[113]

    Attacks
    For a chronological guide, see Timeline for the day of the September 11 attacks.
    Early on the morning of Tuesday, September 11, 2001, nineteen hijackers took control of four commercial airliners (two Boeing 757s and two Boeing 767s) en route to California after takeoffs from Logan International Airport in Boston, Massachusetts; Newark Liberty International Airport in Newark, New Jersey; and Washington Dulles International Airport in Loudoun and Fairfax counties in Virginia.[114] Large planes with long flights were selected for hijacking because they would have more fuel. Atta said to hijack Boeing aircraft based on his understanding of the autopilot feature.[115]

    Key info about the four flights
    Operator
    Flight number
    Aircraft type
    Time of departure*
    Time of crash*
    Departed from
    En route to
    Crash site
    Fatalities
    (There were no survivors from the flights)
    Crew
    Passengers†
    Ground§
    Hijackers
    Total‡
    American Airlines
    11
    Boeing 767-223ER
    7:59 a.m.
    8:46 a.m.
    Logan International Airport
    Los Angeles International Airport
    North Tower of the World Trade Center, floors 93 to 99
    11
    76
    2,606
    5
    2,763
    United Airlines
    175
    Boeing 767–222
    8:14 a.m.
    9:03 a.m.[g]
    Logan International Airport
    Los Angeles International Airport
    South Tower of the World Trade Center, floors 77 to 85
    9
    51
    5
    American Airlines
    77
    Boeing 757–223
    8:20 a.m.
    9:37 a.m.
    Washington Dulles International Airport
    Los Angeles International Airport
    West wall of Pentagon
    6
    53
    125
    5
    189
    United Airlines
    93
    Boeing 757–222
    8:42 a.m.
    10:03 a.m.
    Newark Int'l Airport
    San Francisco International Airport
    Field in Stonycreek Township near Shanksville
    7
    33
    0
    4
    44
    Totals
    33
    213
    2,731
    19
    2,996
    * Eastern Daylight Time (UTC−04:00)
    † Excluding hijackers
    § Including emergency workers
    ‡ Including hijackers

    The four crashes
    See also: Media documentation of the September 11 attacks
     
    The North Tower shortly after the American Airlines Flight 11 crash. The first such attack.
    Duration: 52 seconds.0:52
    United Airlines Flight 175 crashes into 2 World Trade Center. The second attack.
    Duration: 3 minutes and 12 seconds.3:12
    Security camera footage of American Airlines Flight 77 crashing into The Pentagon;[116] the plane collides with The Pentagon approximately 86 seconds after the start of the recording. The third attack.
     
    The crash site of the fourth hijacked plane, United Airlines Flight 93, near Stonycreek Township
    At 7:59 a.m., American Airlines Flight 11 took off from Logan International Airport in Boston.[117] Fifteen minutes into the flight, five hijackers armed with boxcutters took over the plane, injuring at least three people (and possibly killing one)[118][119][120] before forcing their way into the cockpit. The terrorists also displayed an apparent explosive and sprayed mace into the cabin, to frighten the hostages into submission and further hinder resistance.[121] Back at Logan, United Airlines Flight 175 took off at 8:14 a.m., approximately the same time as Flight 11's hijacking.[122] Hundreds of miles southwest at Dulles International Airport, American Airlines Flight 77 left the runway at 8:20 a.m.[122] Flight 175's journey proceeded normally for 28 minutes until 8:42 a.m., when a group of five hijacked the plane, murdering both pilots and stabbing several crew members before assuming control of the aircraft. These hijackers also used bomb threats to instil fear into the passengers and crew,[123] also spraying chemical weapons to disable any opposition.[124] Concurrently, United Airlines Flight 93 departed from Newark International Airport in New Jersey;[122] originally scheduled to pull away from the gate at 8:00 a.m., the plane was running 42 minutes late.

    At 8:46 a.m., Flight 11 was deliberately crashed into the north face of the World Trade Center's North Tower (1 WTC),[125] although the initial presumption by many was that this was merely an accident.[126] At 8:51 a.m., American Airlines Flight 77 was also taken over by another group of five who forcibly entered the cockpit 31 minutes after takeoff.[127] Although the hijackers on this flight were equipped with knives,[128] there were no reports of anyone on board being stabbed, nor did the two people who made phone calls mention the use of mace or a bomb threat.

    Seventeen minutes after the first plane crashed into the North Tower, Flight 175 was flown into the South Tower's southern facade (2 WTC)[129] at 9:03 a.m.,[g] demonstrating that the first crash was not an accident, but rather a terrorist attack.[130][131]

    Four men aboard Flight 93 struck suddenly, killing at least one passenger, after having waited 46 minutes to make their move—a holdup that proved disastrous for the terrorists when combined with the delayed takeoff from the runway;[132] they stormed the cockpit and seized control of the plane at 9:28 a.m., turning the plane eastbound and setting course for Washington, D.C.[133] Much like their counterparts on the first two flights, the fourth team also used bomb threats and filled the cabin with mace.[134]

    Nine minutes after Flight 93's hijacking, Flight 77 crashed into the west side of the Pentagon.[135] Because of the two delays,[136] the passengers and crew of Flight 93 had time to be made aware of the previous attacks through phone calls to the ground, and as a result an uprising was hastily organized to take control of the aircraft at 9:57 a.m.[137] Within minutes, passengers had fought their way to the front of the cabin and began breaking down the cockpit door. Fearing their captives would gain the upper hand, the hijackers rolled the plane and pitched it into a nosedive,[138][139] crashing into a field near Shanksville, Pennsylvania, southeast of Pittsburgh, at 10:03 a.m. The plane was about twenty minutes away from reaching D.C. at the time of the crash, and its target is believed to have been either the Capitol Building or the White House.[115][137]

    Some passengers and crew members who called from the aircraft using the cabin air phone service and mobile phones provided details: several hijackers were aboard each plane; they used mace, tear gas, or pepper spray to overcome attendants; and some people aboard had been stabbed.[140] Reports indicated hijackers stabbed and killed pilots, flight attendants, and one or more passengers.[114][141] According to the 9/11 Commission's final report, the hijackers had recently purchased multi-function hand tools and assorted Leatherman-type utility knives with locking blades (which were not forbidden to passengers at the time), but these were not found among the possessions left behind by the hijackers.[142][143] A flight attendant on Flight 11, a passenger on Flight 175, and passengers on Flight 93 said the hijackers had bombs, but one of the passengers said he thought the bombs were fake. The FBI found no traces of explosives at the crash sites, and the 9/11 Commission concluded that the bombs were probably fake.[114] On at least two of the hijacked flights—American 11 and United 93—the terrorists claimed over the PA system that they were taking hostages and were returning to the airport to have a ransom demand met, a clear attempt to prevent passengers from fighting back. Both attempts failed, however, as both hijacker pilots in these instances (Mohamed Atta[144] and Ziad Jarrah,[145] respectively) keyed the wrong switch and mistakenly transmitted their messages to ATC instead of the people on the plane as intended, tipping off the flight controllers that the planes had been hijacked.

    Three buildings in the World Trade Center collapsed due to fire-induced structural failure. Although the South Tower was struck 17 minutes after the North Tower, the plane's impact zone was far lower, at a much faster speed, and into a corner, with the unevenly-balanced additional structural weight causing it to collapse first at 9:59 a.m.,[146]: 80 [147]: 322  having burned for 56 minutes[i] in the fire caused by the crash of United Airlines Flight 175 and the explosion of its fuel. The North Tower lasted another 29 minutes before collapsing at 10:28 a.m.,[j] one hour and forty-two minutes[h] after being struck by American Airlines Flight 11. When the North Tower collapsed, debris fell on the nearby 7 World Trade Center building (7 WTC), damaging the building and starting fires. These fires burned for nearly seven hours, compromising the building's structural integrity, and 7 WTC collapsed at 5:21 p.m.[151][152] The west side of the Pentagon sustained significant damage.

    At 9:42 a.m., the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) grounded all civilian aircraft within the continental U.S., and civilian aircraft already in flight were told to land immediately.[153] All international civilian aircraft were either turned back or redirected to airports in Canada or Mexico, and were banned from landing on United States territory for three days.[154] The attacks created widespread confusion among news organizations and air traffic controllers. Among unconfirmed and often contradictory news reports aired throughout the day, one of the most prevalent claimed a car bomb had been detonated at the U.S. State Department's headquarters in Washington, D.C.[155] Another jet (Delta Air Lines Flight 1989) was suspected of having been hijacked, but the aircraft responded to controllers and landed safely in Cleveland, Ohio.[156]

    In an April 2002 interview, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and Ramzi bin al-Shibh, who are believed to have organized the attacks, said Flight 93's intended target was the United States Capitol, not the White House.[157] During the planning stage of the attacks, Mohamed Atta (Flight 11's hijacker and pilot) thought the White House might be too tough a target and sought an assessment from Hani Hanjour (who hijacked and piloted Flight 77).[158] Mohammed said Al-Qaeda initially planned to target nuclear installations rather than the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, but decided against it, fearing things could "get out of control".[159] Final decisions on targets, according to Mohammed, were left in the hands of the pilots.[158] If any pilot could not reach his intended target, he was to crash the plane.[115]

    Casualties
    Main articles: Casualties of the September 11 attacks and Lists of victims of the September 11 attacks
     One of three observable falls from the South Tower.[160] A similar photograph of a victim from the North Tower titled The Falling Man gained wide acclamation.
    The attack on the World Trade Center's North Tower single-handedly[k] made 9/11 the deadliest act of terrorism in world history.[162] Taken together, the four crashes caused the deaths of 2,996 people (including the hijackers) and injured thousands more.[163] The death toll included 265 on the four planes (from which there were no survivors); 2,606 in the World Trade Center and in the surrounding area; and 125 at The Pentagon.[164][165] Most who died were civilians, as well as 343 firefighters, 72 law enforcement officers, 55 military personnel, and the 19 terrorists.[166][167] After New York, New Jersey lost the most state citizens.[168] More than 90 countries lost citizens in the attacks.[169]

    In New York City, more than 90% of the workers and visitors who died in the towers had been at or above the points of impact. In the North Tower, between 1,344[170] and 1,402[171] people were at, above or one floor below the point of impact and all died. Hundreds were killed instantly the moment the plane struck.[172] The estimated 800 people[173] who survived the impact were trapped and died in the fires or from smoke inhalation; fell or jumped from the tower to escape the smoke and flames; or were killed in the building's collapse. The destruction of all three staircases in the North Tower when Flight 11 hit made it impossible for anyone from the impact zone upward to escape. 107 people not trapped by the impact died.[174] When the plane struck between floors 93 and 99, the 92nd floor was also rendered inescapable when the crash severed all elevator shafts while debris falling from the impact zone blocked the stairwells, ensuring the deaths of all 69 workers on the floor below the point of impact.

    In the South Tower, around 600 people were on or above the 77th floor when Flight 175 struck and few survived. As with the North Tower, hundreds were killed at the moment of impact. Unlike those in the North Tower, the estimated 300 survivors[173] of the crash were not technically trapped by the damage done by Flight 175's impact, but most were either unaware that a means of escape still existed or were unable to use it. One stairway, Stairwell A, narrowly avoided being destroyed as Flight 175 crashed through the building, allowing 14 people located on the floors of impact (including Stanley Praimnath, a man who saw the plane coming at him) and four more from the floors above to escape. New York City 9-1-1 operators who received calls from people inside the tower were not well informed of the situation as it rapidly unfolded and as a result, told callers not to descend the tower on their own.[175] In total, 630 people died in the South Tower, fewer than half the number killed in the North Tower.[174] Of the 100–200 people witnessed jumping or falling to their deaths that morning,[176] only three recorded sightings were from the South Tower.[177]: 86  Casualties in the South Tower were significantly reduced because some occupants decided to leave the building immediately following the first crash, and because Eric Eisenberg, an executive at AON Insurance, made the decision to evacuate the floors occupied by AON (floors 92 and 98–105) in the moments following the impact of Flight 11. The 17-minute gap allowed over 900 of the 1,100 AON employees present on-site to evacuate from above the 77th floor before the South Tower was struck; Eisenberg was among the nearly 200 who did not escape. Similar pre-impact evacuations were carried out by companies such as Fiduciary Trust, CSC, and Euro Brokers, all of whom had offices on floors above the point of impact. The failure to order a full evacuation of the South Tower after the first plane crash into the North Tower was described by USA Today as "one of the day's great tragedies".[178]

    As exemplified in the photograph The Falling Man, more than 200 people fell to their deaths from the burning towers, most of whom were forced to jump to escape the extreme heat, fire and smoke.[179] Some occupants of each tower above the point of impact made their way toward the roof in the hope of helicopter rescue, but the roof access doors were locked.[180] No plan existed for helicopter rescues, and the combination of roof equipment, thick smoke and intense heat prevented helicopters from approaching.[181]

    At the World Trade Center complex, a total of 414 emergency workers died as they tried to rescue people and fight fires, while another law enforcement officer was separately killed when United 93 crashed. The New York City Fire Department (FDNY) lost 343 firefighters, including a chaplain and two paramedics.[182][183][184] The New York City Police Department (NYPD) lost 23 officers.[185] The Port Authority Police Department (PAPD) lost 37 officers.[186] Eight emergency medical technicians (EMTs) and paramedics from private emergency medical services (EMS) units were killed.[187] Almost all of the emergency personnel who died at the scene that day were killed as a result of the towers collapsing, with the exception of one who was struck by a civilian falling from the upper floors of the South Tower.[188]

    Cantor Fitzgerald L.P. (an investment bank on the North Tower's 101st–105th floors) lost 658 employees, considerably more than any other employer.[189] Marsh Inc., located immediately below Cantor Fitzgerald on floors 93–100, lost 358 employees,[190][191] and 175 employees of Aon Corporation were also killed.[192] The National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) estimated that about 17,400 civilians were in the World Trade Center complex at the time of the attacks.[193]: xxxiii  Turnstile counts from the Port Authority suggest 14,154 people were typically in the Twin Towers by 8:45 a.m.[194] Most people below the impact zone safely evacuated the buildings.[195]

    In Arlington County, Virginia, 125 Pentagon workers died when Flight 77 crashed into the building's western side. 70 were civilians and 55 were military personnel, many of whom worked for the United States Army or the United States Navy. The Army lost 47 civilian employees; six civilian contractors; and 22 soldiers, while the Navy lost six civilian employees; three civilian contractors; and 33 sailors. Seven Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) civilian employees died, and one Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD) contractor.[196][197][198] Lieutenant General Timothy Maude, an Army Deputy Chief of Staff, was the highest-ranking military official killed at the Pentagon.[199]

    Weeks after the attack, the death toll was estimated to be over 6,000, more than twice the number of deaths eventually confirmed.[200] The city was only able to identify remains for about 1,600 of the World Trade Center victims. The medical examiner's office collected "about 10,000 unidentified bone and tissue fragments that cannot be matched to the list of the dead".[201] Bone fragments were still being found in 2006 by workers who were preparing to demolish the damaged Deutsche Bank Building.

    In 2010, a team of anthropologists and archaeologists searched for human remains and personal items at the Fresh Kills Landfill, where 72 more human remains were recovered, bringing the total found to 1,845. DNA profiling continues in an attempt to identify additional victims.[202][203][204] The remains are being held in storage in Memorial Park, outside the New York City Medical Examiner's facilities. It was expected that the remains would be moved in 2013 to a repository behind a wall at the 9/11 museum.[needs update][205]

    In July 2011, a team of scientists at the Office of Chief Medical Examiner continued efforts to identify remains, in the hope that improved technology will allow them to identify other victims.[204] In August 2017, the 1,641st victim was identified as a result of newly available DNA technology,[206] and a 1,642nd during July 2018.[207] Three more victims were identified in October 2019,[208] two in September 2021[209] and an additional two in September 2023.[210] As of September 2023, 1,104 victims remain unidentified,[210] amounting to 40% of the deaths in the World Trade Center attacks.[209] On September 25, 2023, the FDNY reported that with the death of EMT Hilda Vannata and retired firefighter Robert Fulco, marking the 342nd and 343rd deaths from 9/11-related illnesses, the department had now lost the same number of firefighters, EMTs, and civilian members to 9/11-related illnesses as it did on the day of the attacks.[211][212]

    Damage
    Further information: Collapse of the World Trade Center
     The World Trade Center site, called Ground Zero, with an overlay showing the original buildings' locations
    Along with the 110-floor Twin Towers, numerous other buildings at the World Trade Center site were destroyed or badly damaged, including WTC buildings 3 through 7 and St. Nicholas Greek Orthodox Church.[213] The North Tower, South Tower, the Marriott Hotel (3 WTC), and 7 WTC were destroyed. The U.S. Customs House (6 World Trade Center), 4 World Trade Center, 5 World Trade Center, and both pedestrian bridges connecting buildings were severely damaged. The Deutsche Bank Building (still popularly referred to as the Bankers Trust Building) on 130 Liberty Street was partially damaged and demolished some years later, starting in 2007.[214][215] The two buildings of the World Financial Center also suffered damage.[214] The last fires at the World Trade Center site were extinguished on December 20, exactly 100 days after the attacks.[216]

    The Deutsche Bank Building across Liberty Street from the World Trade Center complex was later condemned as uninhabitable because of toxic conditions inside the office tower and was deconstructed.[217][218] The Borough of Manhattan Community College's Fiterman Hall at 30 West Broadway was condemned due to extensive damage from the attacks, and then reopened in 2012.[219]

    Other neighbouring buildings (including 90 West Street and the Verizon Building) suffered major damage but have been restored.[220] World Financial Center buildings, One Liberty Plaza, the Millenium Hilton, and 90 Church Street had moderate damage and have since been restored.[221] Communications equipment on top of the North Tower was also destroyed, with only WCBS-TV maintaining a backup transmitter on the Empire State Building, but media stations were quickly able to reroute the signals and resume their broadcasts.[213][222]

     A September 14 aerial view of the Pentagon during cleanup operations
    The PATH train system's World Trade Center station was located under the complex. As a result, the station was demolished when the towers collapsed, and the tunnels leading to Exchange Place station in Jersey City, New Jersey, were flooded with water.[223] The station was rebuilt as the $4 billion World Trade Center Transportation Hub, which reopened in March 2015.[224][225] The Cortlandt Street station on the New York City Subway's IRT Broadway–Seventh Avenue Line was also in close proximity to the World Trade Center complex, and the entire station, along with the surrounding track, was reduced to rubble.[226] The latter station was rebuilt and reopened to the public on September 8, 2018.[227] The Pentagon was extensively damaged by the impact of American Airlines Flight 77 and the ensuing fires, causing one section of the building to collapse.[228] As the aeroplane approached the Pentagon, its wings knocked down light poles and its right engine hit a power generator before crashing into the western side of the building.[229][230] The plane hit the Pentagon at the first-floor level. The front part of the fuselage disintegrated on impact, while the mid and tail sections kept moving for another fraction of a second.[231] Debris from the tail section penetrated the furthest into the building, breaking through 310 feet (94 m) of the three outermost of the building's five rings.[231][232]

    Rescue efforts
    Main article: Rescue and recovery effort after the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center
    See also: List of emergency and first responder agencies that responded to the September 11 attacks
     Patrol Boat Hocking of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers on its way to assist the site on September 11, 2001
    The New York City Fire Department (FDNY) deployed more than 200 units (approximately half of the department) to the World Trade Center.[233] Their efforts were supplemented by numerous off-duty firefighters and emergency medical technicians.[234][233][235] The New York City Police Department (NYPD) sent its Emergency Service Units and other police personnel and deployed its aviation unit.[236] The NYPD aviation unit assessed the situation and decided that helicopter rescues from the towers were not feasible.[237] Numerous police officers of the Port Authority Police Department (PAPD) also participated in rescue efforts.[238] Once on the scene, the FDNY, the NYPD, and the PAPD did not coordinate efforts and performed redundant searches for civilians.[234][239]

    As conditions deteriorated, the NYPD aviation unit relayed information to police commanders, who issued orders for personnel to evacuate the towers; most NYPD officers were able to safely evacuate before the buildings collapsed.[239][240] With separate command posts set up and incompatible radio communications between the agencies, warnings were not passed along to FDNY commanders.[241]

    After the first tower collapsed, FDNY commanders issued evacuation warnings. Due to technical difficulties with malfunctioning radio repeater systems, many firefighters never heard the evacuation orders. 9-1-1 dispatchers also received information from callers that was not passed along to commanders on the scene.[233]

    Reactions
    Main article: Reactions to the September 11 attacks
    See also: Timeline for September following the September 11 attacks
    The 9/11 attacks resulted in immediate responses to the event, including domestic reactions; closings and cancellations; hate crimes; Muslim-American responses to the event; international responses to the attack; and military responses to the events. Shortly after the attacks, a U.S. government fund that was created by an Act of Congress named the September 11th Victim Compensation Fund.[242][243] The purpose of the fund was to compensate the victims of the attacks and their families with the quid pro quo of their agreement not to file lawsuits against the airline corporations involved.[244] Legislation authorizes the fund to disburse a maximum of $7.375 billion, including operational and administrative costs, of U.S. government funds.[245] The fund was set to expire by 2020 but was in 2019 prolonged to allow claims to be filed until October 2090.[246][247]

    Immediate response
    Further information: U.S. military response during the September 11 attacks
    See also: Communication during the September 11 attacks
     President George W. Bush is briefed in Sarasota, Florida, where he learned of the attacks unfolding while visiting Emma E. Booker Elementary School.
     Eight hours after the attacks, U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld declares "The Pentagon is functioning"
    At 8:32 a.m., FAA officials were notified Flight 11 had been hijacked and they, in turn, notified the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD). NORAD scrambled two F-15s from Otis Air National Guard Base in Massachusetts and they were airborne by 8:53 a.m. Because of slow and confused communication from FAA officials, NORAD had nine minutes' notice, and no notice about any of the other flights before they crashed.

    After both of the Twin Towers had already been hit, more fighters were scrambled from Langley Air Force Base in Virginia at 9:30 a.m.[248] At 10:20 a.m., Vice President Dick Cheney issued orders to shoot down any commercial aircraft that could be positively identified as being hijacked. These instructions were not relayed in time for the fighters to take action.[248][249][250] Some fighters took to the air without live ammunition, knowing that to prevent the hijackers from striking their intended targets, the pilots might have to intercept and crash their fighters into the hijacked planes, possibly ejecting at the last moment.[251]

    For the first time in U.S. history, the emergency preparedness plan called Security Control of Air Traffic and Air Navigation Aids (SCATANA) was invoked,[252] thus stranding tens of thousands of passengers across the world.[253] Ben Sliney, in his first day as the National Operations Manager of the FAA,[254] ordered that American airspace would be closed to all international flights, causing about 500 flights to be turned back or redirected to other countries. Canada received 226 of the diverted flights and launched Operation Yellow Ribbon to deal with the large numbers of grounded planes and stranded passengers.[255]

    The 9/11 attacks had immediate effects on the American people.[256] Police and rescue workers from around the country took a leave of absence from their jobs and travelled to New York City to help recover bodies from the twisted remnants of the Twin Towers.[257] Blood donations across the U.S. surged in the weeks after 9/11.[258][259]

    The deaths of adults in the attacks resulted in over 3,000 children losing a parent.[260] Subsequent studies documented children's reactions to these actual losses and feared losses of life, the protective environment in the attacks' aftermath, and the effects on surviving caregivers.[261][262][263]

    Domestic reactions
    Further information: U.S. government response to the September 11 attacks
     
    President Bush addressing the nation from the White House at 8:30 PM ET
     
    Bush speaking to rescue workers at Ground Zero on September 14
     
    Duration: 34 minutes and 18 seconds.34:18
    During a speech to a joint session of Congress, President George W. Bush pledges "to defend freedom against terrorism". September 20, 2001 (audio only).
    Following the attacks, President George W. Bush's approval rating increased to 90%.[264] On September 20, 2001, he addressed the nation and a joint session of Congress regarding the events of September 11 and the subsequent nine days of rescue and recovery efforts, and described his intended response to the attacks. New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani's highly visible role resulted in praise in New York and nationally.[265]

    Many relief funds were immediately set up to assist the attacks' victims, with the task of providing financial assistance to the survivors of the attacks and the victims' families. By the deadline for victims' compensation on September 11, 2003, 2,833 applications had been received from the families of those who were killed.[266]

    Contingency plans for the continuity of government and the evacuation of leaders were implemented soon after the attacks.[253] Congress was not told that the United States had been under a continuity of government status until February 2002.[267]

    In the largest restructuring of the U.S. government in contemporary history, the United States enacted the Homeland Security Act of 2002, creating the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Congress also passed the USA PATRIOT Act, saying it would help detect and prosecute terrorism and other crimes.[268] Civil liberties groups have criticized the PATRIOT Act, saying it allows law enforcement to invade citizens' privacy and that it eliminates judicial oversight of law enforcement and domestic intelligence.[269][270][271]

    To effectively combat future acts of terrorism, the National Security Agency (NSA) was given broad powers. NSA commenced warrantless surveillance of telecommunications, which was sometimes criticized as permitting the agency "to eavesdrop on telephone and e-mail communications between the United States and people overseas without a warrant".[272] In response to requests by various intelligence agencies, the United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court permitted an expansion of powers by the U.S. government in seeking, obtaining, and sharing information on U.S. citizens as well as non-U.S. people from around the world.[273]

    Hate crimes
    See also: Islamophobic incidents and Persecution of Muslims
    Six days after the attacks, President Bush made a public appearance at Washington, D.C.'s largest Islamic Center and acknowledged the "incredibly valuable contribution" that millions of American Muslims made to their country and called for them "to be treated with respect".[274] Numerous incidents of harassment and hate crimes against Muslims and South Asians were reported in the days following the attacks.[275][276][277]

    Sikhs were also subject to targeting due to the use of turbans in the Sikh faith, which are stereotypically associated with Muslims. There were reports of attacks on mosques and other religious buildings (including the firebombing of a Hindu temple), and assaults on individuals, including one murder: Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh mistaken for a Muslim, who was fatally shot on September 15, 2001, in Mesa, Arizona.[277] Two dozen members of Osama bin Laden's family were urgently evacuated out of the country on a private charter plane under FBI supervision three days after the attacks.[278]

    According to an academic study, people perceived to be Middle Eastern were as likely to be victims of hate crimes as followers of Islam during this time. The study also found a similar increase in hate crimes against people who may have been perceived as Muslims, Arabs, and others thought to be of Middle Eastern origin.[279] A report by the South Asian American advocacy group known as South Asian Americans Leading Together documented media coverage of 645 bias incidents against Americans of South Asian or Middle Eastern descent between September 11 and 17, 2001. Various crimes such as vandalism, arson, assault, shootings, harassment, and threats in numerous places were documented.[280][281] Women wearing hijab were also targeted.[282]

    Discrimination and racial profiling
    Further information: Detentions following the September 11 attacks, Islamophobia in the United States, and Flying while Muslim
    See also: Airport racial profiling in the United States
    A poll of Arab-Americans, conducted in May 2002, found that 20% had personally experienced discrimination since September 11. A July 2002 poll of Muslim Americans found that 48% believed their lives had changed for the worse since September 11, and 57% had experienced an act of bias or discrimination.[282]

    Following the September 11 attacks, many Pakistani Americans identified themselves as Indians to avoid potential discrimination and obtain jobs (Pakistan was created as a result of the partition of India in 1947).[283]

    By May 2002, there were 488 complaints of employment discrimination reported to the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). 301 of those were complaints from people fired from their jobs. Similarly, by June 2002, the U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) had investigated 111 September 11th-related complaints from airline passengers purporting that their religious or ethnic appearance caused them to be singled out at security screenings. DOT investigated an additional 31 complaints from people who alleged they were completely blocked from boarding aeroplanes on the same grounds.[282]

    Muslim American response
    See also: Muslim attitudes towards terrorism and Peace in Islamic philosophy
    Muslim organizations in the United States were swift to condemn the attacks and called "upon Muslim Americans to come forward with their skills and resources to help alleviate the sufferings of the affected people and their families".[284] These organizations included the Islamic Society of North America, American Muslim Alliance, American Muslim Council, Council on American-Islamic Relations, Islamic Circle of North America, and the Shari'a Scholars Association of North America. Along with monetary donations, many Islamic organizations launched blood drives and provided medical assistance, food, and shelter for victims.[285][286][287]

    Interfaith efforts
    Curiosity about Islam increased after the attacks. As a result, many mosques and Islamic centres began holding open houses and participating in outreach efforts to educate non-Muslims about the faith. In the first 10 years after the attacks, interfaith community service increased from 8 to 20 percent and the percentage of U.S. congregations involved in interfaith worship doubled from 7 to 14 percent.[288]

    International reactions
     President of Russia Vladimir Putin (right) with his wife (center) at a commemoration service in New York City on November 16
    The attacks were denounced by mass media and governments worldwide. Across the globe, nations offered pro-American support and solidarity.[289] Leaders in most Middle Eastern countries, as well as Libya and Afghanistan, condemned the attacks. Iraq was a notable exception, with an immediate official statement that "the American cowboys are reaping the fruit of their crimes against humanity".[290] The government of Saudi Arabia officially condemned the attacks, but privately many Saudis favored bin Laden's cause.[291][292]

    Although Palestinian Authority (PA) president Yasser Arafat also condemned the attacks, there were reports of celebrations of disputed size in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem.[293][294] Palestinian leaders discredited news broadcasters that justified the attacks or showed celebrations,[295] and the Authority claimed such celebrations do not represent the Palestinians' sentiment, adding that it would not allow "a few kids" to "smear the real face of the Palestinians".[296][297] Footage by CNN[vague] and other news outlets were suggested by a report originating at a Brazilian university to be from 1991; this was later proven to be a false accusation, resulting in a statement being issued by CNN.[298][299] As in the United States, the aftermath of the attacks saw tensions increase in other countries between Muslims and non-Muslims.[300]

    United Nations Security Council Resolution 1368 condemned the attacks and expressed readiness to take all necessary steps to respond and combat all forms of terrorism in accordance with their Charter.[301] Numerous countries introduced anti-terrorism legislation and froze bank accounts they suspected of Al-Qaeda ties.[302][303] Law enforcement and intelligence agencies in a number of countries arrested alleged terrorists.[304][305]

    British Prime Minister Tony Blair said Britain stood "shoulder to shoulder" with the United States.[306] A few days later, Blair flew to Washington, D.C., to affirm British solidarity with the United States. In a speech to Congress nine days after the attacks, which Blair attended as a guest, President Bush declared "America has no truer friend than Great Britain".[307] Subsequently, Prime Minister Blair embarked on two months of diplomacy to rally international support for military action; he held 54 meetings with world leaders and travelled more than 40,000 miles (60,000 km).[308]

    The U.S. set up the Guantanamo Bay detention camp to hold inmates they defined as "illegal enemy combatants". The legitimacy of these detentions has been questioned by the European Union and human rights organizations.[309][310][311]

    On September 25, 2001, Iran's fifth president, Mohammad Khatami, meeting British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, said: "Iran fully understands the feelings of the Americans about the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington on September 11". He said although the American administrations had been at best indifferent about terrorist operations in Iran (since 1979), the Iranians felt differently and had expressed their sympathetic feelings with bereaved Americans in the tragic incidents in the two cities. He also stated that "Nations should not be punished in place of terrorists".[312]

    According to Radio Farda's website, when the news of the attacks was released, some Iranian citizens gathered in front of the Embassy of Switzerland in Tehran, which serves as the protecting power of the United States in Iran (U.S. interests-protecting office in Iran), to express their sympathy, and some of them lit candles as a symbol of mourning. This piece of news on Radio Farda's website also states that in 2011, on the anniversary of the attacks, the United States Department of State published a post on its blog, in which the Department thanked the Iranian people for their sympathy and stated that it would never forget Iranian people's kindness on those harsh days.[313] After the attacks, both the President[314][315] and the Supreme Leader of Iran, condemned the attacks. The BBC and Time magazine published reports on holding candlelit vigils for the victims of Iranian citizens on their websites.[316][317] According to Politico Magazine, following the attacks, Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of Iran, "suspended the usual 'Death to America' chants at Friday prayers" temporarily.[318]

    In September 2001, shortly after the attacks, some fans of AEK Athens burned an Israeli flag and unsuccessfully tried to burn an American flag. Though the American flag did not catch fire, the fans booed during a moment of silence for victims of the attacks.[319]

    Military operations
    Further information: War on terror and US invasion of Afghanistan
    Events leading up
    to the Iraq War
     
    14 July Revolution 1958
    Iraqi–Kurdish conflict 1961–1991
    17 July Revolution 1968
    Iranian Revolution 1978–1979
    Ba'ath Party Purge 1979
    Iran–Iraq War 1980–1988
    Iraqgate 1982–c.1990
    Iraqi invasion of Kuwait 1990
    Gulf War 1990–1991
    Sanctions against Iraq 1990–2003
    Iraqi uprisings 1991
    Iraqi no-fly zones conflict 1991–2003
    Iraq disarmament crisis 1991–2003
    Arms-to-Iraq affair 1992–1996
    September 11 attacks 2001
    U.S. anthrax attacks 2001
    U.S. invasion of Afghanistan 2001
    Alleged Prague connection 2001
    Iraq Resolution 2002
    Wood Green ricin plot 2003
    Colin Powell's UN presentation 2003
    v
    t
    e
    At 2:40 p.m. on September 11, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld was issuing rapid orders to his aides to look for evidence of Iraqi involvement. According to notes taken by senior policy official Stephen Cambone, Rumsfeld asked for, "Best info fast. Judge whether they are good enough to hit S.H. [Saddam Hussein] at the same time. Not only UBL" [Osama bin Laden].[320] Cambone's notes quoted Rumsfeld as saying, "Need to move swiftly – Near term target needs – go massive – sweep it all up. Things related and not".[321][322]

    In a meeting at Camp David on September 15 the Bush administration rejected the idea of attacking Iraq in response to the September 11 attacks.[323] Nonetheless, they later invaded the country with allies, citing "Saddam Hussein's support for terrorism".[324] At the time, as many as seven in ten Americans believed the Iraqi president played a role in the 9/11 attacks.[325] Three years later, Bush conceded that he had not.[326]

    The NATO council declared that the terrorist attacks on the United States were an attack on all NATO nations that satisfied Article 5 of the NATO charter. This marked the first invocation of Article 5, which had been written during the Cold War with an attack by the Soviet Union in mind.[327] Australian Prime Minister John Howard, who was in Washington, D.C., during the attacks, invoked Article IV of the ANZUS treaty.[328] The Bush administration announced a war on terror, with the stated goals of bringing bin Laden and Al-Qaeda to justice and preventing the emergence of other terrorist networks.[329] These goals would be accomplished by imposing economic and military sanctions against states harbouring terrorists, and increasing global surveillance and intelligence sharing.[330]

    On September 14, 2001, the U.S. Congress passed the Authorization for the use of Military Force Against Terrorists, which grants the President the authority to use all "necessary and appropriate force" against those whom he determined "planned, authorized, committed or aided" the September 11 attacks or who harboured said persons or groups. It is still in effect to this day.[331]

    On October 7, 2001, the War in Afghanistan began when U.S. and British forces initiated aerial bombing campaigns targeting Taliban and Al-Qaeda camps, then later invaded Afghanistan with ground troops of the Special Forces.[citation needed] This eventually led to the overthrow of the Taliban's rule of Afghanistan with the Fall of Kandahar on December 7, 2001, by U.S.-led coalition forces.[332]

    Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, who went into hiding in the White Mountains, was targeted by U.S. coalition forces in the Battle of Tora Bora,[333] but he escaped across the Pakistani border and would remain out of sight for almost ten years.[333] In an interview with Tayseer Allouni on 21 October 2001, Bin Laden stated:

    "The events proved the extent of terrorism that America exercises in the world. Bush stated that the world has to be divided in two: Bush and his supporters, and any country that doesn't get into the global crusade is with the terrorists. What terrorism is clearer than this? Many governments were forced to support this "new terrorism.".. America wouldn't live in security until we live it truly in Palestine. This showed the reality of America, which puts Israel's interest above its own people's interest. America won't get out of this crisis until it gets out of the Arabian Peninsula, and until it stops its support of Israel.[334]
    The Philippines and Indonesia, among other nations with their internal conflicts with Islamic terrorism, also increased their military readiness.[335][336] The military forces of the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran cooperated to overthrow the Taliban regime, which had had conflicts with the government of Iran.[318][337][338][339]Iran's Quds Force helped U.S. forces and Afghan rebels in the 2001 uprising in Herat.[340][341][342]

    Aftermath
    Main article: Aftermath of the September 11 attacks
    See also: Post-9/11
    Health issues
    Main article: Health effects arising from the September 11 attacks
     Survivors covered in dust after the collapse of the World Trade towers; a photograph of another dust-covered victim Marcy Borders (1973–2015) subsequently gained much attention[343][344]
    Hundreds of thousands of tons of toxic debris containing more than 2,500 contaminants and known carcinogens were spread across Lower Manhattan when the Twin Towers' collapsed.[345][346] Exposure to the toxins in the debris is alleged to have contributed to fatal or debilitating illnesses among people who were at Ground Zero.[347][348] The Bush administration ordered the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to issue reassuring statements regarding air quality in the aftermath of the attacks, citing national security, but the EPA did not determine that air quality had returned to pre-September 11 levels until June 2002.[349]

    Health effects extended to residents, students, and office workers of Lower Manhattan and nearby Chinatown.[350] Several deaths have been linked to the toxic dust, and victims' names were included in the World Trade Center memorial.[351] Approximately 18,000 people have been estimated to have developed illnesses as a result of the toxic dust.[352] There is also scientific speculation that exposure to various toxic products in the air may have negative effects on fetal development.[citation needed] A study of rescue workers released in April 2010 found that all those studied had impaired lung functions and that 30%–40% were reporting little or no improvement in persistent symptoms that started within the first year of the attack.[353]

    Years after the attacks, legal disputes over the costs of illnesses related to the attacks were still in the court system. On October 17, 2006, a federal judge rejected New York City's refusal to pay for health costs for rescue workers, allowing for the possibility of numerous suits against the city.[354] Government officials have been faulted for urging the public to return to lower Manhattan in the weeks shortly after the attacks. Christine Todd Whitman, administrator of the EPA in the attacks' aftermath, was heavily criticized by a U.S. District Judge for incorrectly saying that the area was environmentally safe.[355] Mayor Giuliani was criticized for urging financial industry personnel to return quickly to the greater Wall Street area.[356]

    On December 22, 2010, the United States Congress passed the James L. Zadroga 9/11 Health and Compensation Act, which President Barack Obama signed into law on January 2, 2011. It allocated $4.2 billion to create the World Trade Center Health Program, which provides testing and treatment for people suffering from long-term health problems related to the 9/11 attacks.[357][358] The WTC Health Program replaced preexisting 9/11-related health programs such as the Medical Monitoring and Treatment Program and the WTC Environmental Health Center program.[358]

    In 2020, the NYPD confirmed that 247 NYPD police officers had died due to 9/11-related illnesses. In September 2022, the FDNY confirmed that the total number of firefighters who died due to 9/11-related illnesses was 299. Both agencies believe that the death toll will rise dramatically in the coming years. The Port Authority of New York and New Jersey Police Department (PAPD), the law enforcement agency with jurisdiction over the World Trade Center due to the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey owning the site confirmed that four of its police officers have died of 9/11-related illnesses. The chief of the PAPD at the time, Joseph Morris, made sure that industrial-grade respirators were provided to all PAPD police officers within 48 hours and decided that the same 30 to 40 police officers would be stationed at the World Trade Center pile, drastically lowering the number of total PAPD personnel who would be exposed to the air. The FDNY and NYPD had rotated hundreds, if not thousands, of different personnel from all over New York City to the pile, which exposed many of them to dust that would give them cancer or other diseases years or decades later. Also, they were not given adequate respirators and breathing equipment that could have prevented future diseases.[359][360][361][362]

    Economic
    Main article: Economic effects of the September 11 attacks
     U.S. deficit and debt increases in the seven years following the attacks from 2001 to 2008
    The attacks had a significant economic impact on the United States and world markets.[363][364] The stock exchanges did not open on September 11 and remained closed until September 17. Reopening, the Dow Jones Industrial Average (DJIA) fell 684 points, or 7.1%, to 8921, a record-setting one-day point decline.[365] By the end of the week, the DJIA had fallen 1,369.7 points (14.3%), at the time its largest one-week point drop in history. In 2001 dollars, U.S. stocks lost $1.4 trillion in valuation for the week.[366]

    In New York City, about 430,000 job months and $2.8 billion in wages were lost in the first three months after the attacks. The economic effects were mainly on the economy's export sectors.[367][368][369] The city's GDP was estimated to have declined by $27.3 billion for the last three months of 2001 and all of 2002. The U.S. government provided $11.2 billion in immediate assistance to the Government of New York City in September 2001, and $10.5 billion in early 2002 for economic development and infrastructure needs.[370]

    Also hurt were small businesses in Lower Manhattan near the World Trade Center (18,000 of which were destroyed or displaced), resulting in lost jobs and wages. Assistance was provided by Small Business Administration loans; federal government Community Development Block Grants; and Economic Injury Disaster Loans.[370] Some 31,900,000 square feet (2,960,000 m2) of Lower Manhattan office space was damaged or destroyed.[371] Many wondered whether these jobs would return, and if the damaged tax base would recover.[372] Studies of 9/11's economic effects show the Manhattan office real-estate market and office employment were less affected than first feared, because of the financial services industry's need for face-to-face interaction.[373][374]

    North American air space was closed for several days after the attacks and air travel decreased upon its reopening, leading to a nearly 20% cutback in air travel capacity, and exacerbating financial problems in the struggling U.S. airline industry.[375]

    The September 11 attacks also led to the U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq,[376] as well as additional homeland security spending, totaling at least $5 trillion.[377]

    Effects in Afghanistan
    Further information: War in Afghanistan (2001–2021), Aftermath of the War in Afghanistan (2001–2021), and Killing of Ayman al-Zawahiri
    If Americans are clamouring to bomb Afghanistan back to the Stone Age, they ought to know that this nation does not have so far to go. This is a post-apocalyptic place of felled cities, parched land and downtrodden people.
    — Barry Bearak, The New York Times, September 13, 2001[378]
    Most of the Afghan population was already going hungry at the time of the September 11 attacks.[379] In the aftermath of the attacks, tens of thousands of people attempted to flee Afghanistan due to the possibility of military retaliation by the United States. Pakistan, already home to many Afghan refugees from previous conflicts, closed its border with Afghanistan on September 17, 2001.[380] Thousands of Afghans also fled to the frontier with Tajikistan, although were denied entry.[381] The Taliban leaders in Afghanistan themselves pleaded against military action, saying "We appeal to the United States not to put Afghanistan into more misery because our people have suffered so much", referring to two decades of conflict and the humanitarian crisis attached to it.[378]

    All United Nations expatriates had left Afghanistan after the attacks and no national or international aid workers were at their post. Workers were instead preparing in bordering countries like Pakistan, China and Uzbekistan to prevent a potential "humanitarian catastrophe", amid a critically low food stock for the Afghan population.[382] The World Food Programme stopped importing wheat to Afghanistan on September 12 due to security risks.[383] The Wall Street Journal suggested the creation of a buffer zone in an inevitable war, similarly as in the Bosnian War.[384]

     
     
    From left to right: U.S. soldiers engaged in the War on Terror in Afghanistan in May 2006 • Army Major General Chris Donahue left Afghanistan as the final American soldier on August 30, 2021
    Approximately one month after the attacks, the United States led a broad coalition of international forces to overthrow the Taliban regime from Afghanistan for their harboring of Al-Qaeda.[380] Though Pakistani authorities were initially reluctant to align themselves with the United States against the Taliban, they permitted the coalition access to their military bases, and arrested and handed over to the U.S. over 600 suspected Al-Qaeda members.[385][386]

    In a speech by the Nizari Ismaili Imam at the Nobel Institute in 2005, Aga Khan IV stated that the "9/11 attack on the United States was a direct consequence of the international community ignoring the human tragedy that was Afghanistan at that time".[387]

    In 2011, the U.S. and NATO under President Obama initiated a drawdown of troops in Afghanistan finalized in 2016. During the presidencies of Donald Trump and Joe Biden in 2020 and 2021, the United States alongside its NATO allies withdrew all troops from Afghanistan completing the withdrawal of all regular U.S. troops on August 30, 2021, 12 days before the 20th anniversary of the September 11 attacks,[150][388][389] The withdrawal marked the end of the 2001–2021 War in Afghanistan. Biden said that after nearly 20 years of war, it was clear that the U.S. military could not transform Afghanistan into a modern democracy.[390]

    The second emir of Al-Qaeda, Ayman al-Zawahiri, a close associate of bin Laden, was killed in a U.S. drone strike at his home in Kabul, Afghanistan on July 31, 2022.[391]

    Cultural influence
    Main article: Cultural influence of the September 11 attacks
    Further information: List of cultural references to the September 11 attacks, Entertainment affected by the September 11 attacks, and Osama bin Laden in popular culture
    See also: Osama bin Laden (elephant)
    The impact of 9/11 extends beyond geopolitics and into society and culture in general. Immediate responses to 9/11 included greater focus on home life and time spent with family, higher church attendance, and increased expressions of patriotism such as the flying of American flags.[392] The radio industry responded by removing certain songs from playlists, and the attacks have subsequently been used as background, narrative, or thematic elements in film, music, literature, and humour. Already-running television shows as well as programs developed after 9/11 have reflected post-9/11 cultural concerns.[393]

    9/11 conspiracy theories have become a social phenomenon, despite a lack of support from expert scientists, engineers, and historians.[394] 9/11 has also had a major impact on the religious faith of many individuals; for some it strengthened, to find consolation to cope with the loss of loved ones and overcome their grief; others started to question their faith or lose it entirely because they could not reconcile it with their view of religion.[395][396]

    The culture of America, after the attacks, is noted for heightened security and an increased demand thereof, as well as paranoia and anxiety regarding future terrorist attacks against most of the nation. Psychologists have also confirmed that there has been an increased amount of national anxiety in commercial air travel.[397] Anti-Muslim hate crimes rose nearly ten-fold in 2001 and have subsequently remained "roughly five times higher than the pre-9/11 rate".[398]

    Government policies towards terrorism
    Further information: War on terror, Anti-terrorism legislation, Airport security repercussions due to the September 11 attacks, and Legal issues related to the September 11 attacks
    See also: Senate Intelligence Committee report on CIA torture
     Alleged "extraordinary rendition" illegal flights of the CIA, as reported by Polish newspaper Rzeczpospolita[399]
    As a result of the attacks, many governments across the world passed legislation to combat terrorism.[400] In Germany, where several of the 9/11 terrorists had resided and taken advantage of that country's liberal asylum policies, two major anti-terrorism packages were enacted. The first removed legal loopholes that permitted terrorists to live and raise money in Germany. The second addressed the effectiveness and communication of intelligence and law enforcement.[401] Canada passed the Canadian Anti-Terrorism Act, their first anti-terrorism law.[402] The United Kingdom passed the Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001 and the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005.[403][404] New Zealand enacted the Terrorism Suppression Act 2002.[405]

    In the United States, the Department of Homeland Security was created by the Homeland Security Act of 2002 to coordinate domestic anti-terrorism efforts. The USA Patriot Act gave the federal government greater powers, including the authority to detain foreign terror suspects for a week without charge; to monitor terror suspects' telephone communications, e-mail, and Internet use; and to prosecute suspected terrorists without time restrictions. The FAA ordered that aeroplane cockpits be reinforced to prevent terrorists from gaining control of planes and assigned sky marshals to flights.

    Further, the Aviation and Transportation Security Act made the federal government, rather than airports, responsible for airport security. The law created the Transportation Security Administration to inspect passengers and luggage, causing long delays and concern over passenger privacy.[406] After suspected abuses of the USA Patriot Act were brought to light in June 2013 with articles about the collection of American call records by the NSA and the PRISM program (see Global surveillance disclosures (2013–present)), Representative Jim Sensenbrenner,(R- Wisconsin) who introduced the Patriot Act in 2001, said that the NSA overstepped its bounds.[407][408]

    Criticism of the war on terror has focused on its morality, efficiency, and cost. According to a 2021 study conducted under the auspices of the Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, the several post-9/11 wars participated in by the United States in its War on Terror have caused the displacement, conservatively calculated, of 38 million people in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Somalia, and the Philippines.[409][410][411] The study estimated these wars caused the deaths of 897,000 to 929,000 people and cost $8 trillion.[411] The U.S. Constitution and U.S. law prohibits the use of torture, yet such human rights violations occurred during the War on Terror under the euphemism "enhanced interrogation".[412][413] In 2005, The Washington Post and Human Rights Watch (HRW) published revelations concerning CIA flights and "black sites", covert prisons operated by the CIA.[414][415] The term "torture by proxy" is used by some critics to describe situations in which the CIA and other U.S. agencies have transferred suspected terrorists to countries known to employ torture.[416][417]

    Legal proceedings
    Main articles: Trials related to the September 11 attacks and United States v. Khalid Sheikh Mohammed
    As all 19 hijackers died in the attacks, they were never prosecuted. Osama bin Laden was never formally indicted but was after a 10-year manhunt killed by U.S. special forces on May 2, 2011 in his compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan.[l][418] The main trial of the attacks against Mohammed and his co-conspirators Walid bin Attash, Ramzi bin al-Shibh, Ammar al-Baluchi, and Mustafa Ahmad al Hawsawi remains unresolved. Khalid Sheikh Mohammed was arrested on March 1, 2003, in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, by Pakistani security officials working with the CIA. He was then held at multiple CIA secret prisons and Guantanamo Bay, where he was interrogated and tortured with methods including waterboarding.[419][420] In 2003, Mustafa al-Hawsawi and Abd al-Aziz Ali were arrested and transferred to US custody. Both would later be accused of providing money and travel assistance to the hijackers.[421] During U.S. hearings at Guantanamo Bay in March 2007, Mohammed again confessed his responsibility for the attacks, stating he "was responsible for the 9/11 operation from A to Z" and that his statement was not made under duress.[42][422] In January 2023, the US government opened up about a potential plea deal,[423] with Biden giving up on the effort in September that year.[424]

    To date, only peripheral persons have thus been convicted for charges in connection with the attacks. These include:

    Zacarias Moussaoui who was indicted in December 2001 and sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole in May 2006 by a U.S. federal jury
    Mounir El Motassadeq who was first convicted in February 2003 by a Federal Court of Justice in Germany and was deported to Morocco in October 2018 after serving his sentence[425]
    Abu Dahdah who was arrested in November 2001, sentenced by a Spanish High Court and released from prison in May 2013.[426]
    Investigations
    FBI
    Further information: Hijackers in the September 11 attacks
    Immediately after the attacks, the Federal Bureau of Investigation started PENTTBOM, the largest criminal inquiry in United States history. At its height, more than half of the FBI's agents worked on the investigation and followed a half-million leads.[427] The FBI concluded that there was "clear and irrefutable" evidence linking Al-Qaeda and bin Laden to the attacks.[428]

     Mohamed Atta was one of the main planners of the attacks and the operational leader, responsible for crashing Flight 11 into the North Tower
    The FBI quickly identified the hijackers, including leader Mohamed Atta, when his luggage was discovered at Boston's Logan Airport. Atta had been forced to check two of his three bags due to space limitations on the 19-seat commuter flight he took to Boston. Due to a new policy instituted to prevent flight delays, the luggage failed to make it aboard American Airlines Flight 11 as planned. The luggage contained the hijackers' names, assignments, and Al-Qaeda connections. "It had all these Arab-language [sic] papers that amounted to the Rosetta stone of the investigation", said one FBI agent.[429] Within hours of the attacks, the FBI released the names and in many cases the personal details of the suspected pilots and hijackers.[430][431] Abu Jandal, who served as bin Laden's chief bodyguard for years, confirmed the identity of seven hijackers as Al-Qaeda members during interrogations with the FBI on September 17. He had been jailed in a Yemeni prison since 2000.[432][433] On September 27, 2001, photos of all 19 hijackers were released, along with information about possible nationalities and aliases.[434] Fifteen of the men were from Saudi Arabia, two were from the United Arab Emirates, one was from Egypt, and one was from Lebanon.[435]

    By midday, the U.S. National Security Agency and German intelligence agencies had intercepted communications pointing to Osama bin Laden.[436] Two of the hijackers were known to have traveled with a bin Laden associate to Malaysia in 2000[437] and hijacker Mohamed Atta had previously gone to Afghanistan.[438] He and others were part of a terrorist cell in Hamburg.[439] One of the members of the Hamburg cell in Germany was discovered to have been in communication with Khalid Sheikh Mohammed who was identified as a member of Al-Qaeda.[440]

    Authorities in the United States and the United Kingdom also obtained electronic intercepts, including telephone conversations and electronic bank transfers, which indicated that Mohammed Atef, a bin Laden deputy, was a key figure in the planning of the 9/11 attacks. Intercepts were also obtained that revealed conversations that took place days before September 11 between bin Laden and an associate in Pakistan. In those conversations, the two referred to "an incident that would take place in America on, or around, September 11" and they discussed potential repercussions. In another conversation with an associate in Afghanistan, bin Laden discussed the "scale and effects of a forthcoming operation". These conversations did not specifically mention the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, or other specifics.[441]



    Origins of the 19 hijackers
    Nationality
    Number
    Saudi Arabia
     
    15
    United Arab Emirates
     
    2
    Egypt
     
    1
    Lebanon
     
    1
    In their annual violent crime index for the year 2001, the FBI recorded the deaths from the attacks as murder, in separate tables so as not to mix them with other reported crimes for that year.[442] In a disclaimer, the FBI stated that "the number of deaths is so great that combining it with the traditional crime statistics will have an outlier effect that falsely skews all types of measurements in the program's analyses".[443] New York City also did not include the deaths in their annual crime statistics for 2001.[444]

    CIA
    Further information: September 11 intelligence before the attacks
    In 2004, John L. Helgerson, the Inspector General of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), conducted an internal review of the agency's pre-9/11 performance and was harshly critical of senior CIA officials for not doing everything possible to confront terrorism.[445] According to Philip Giraldi in The American Conservative, Helgerson criticized their failure to stop two of the 9/11 hijackers, Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar, as they entered the United States and their failure to share information on the two men with the FBI.[446]

    In May 2007, senators from both major U.S. political parties (the Republican and Democratic party) drafted legislation to make the review public. One of the backers, Senator Ron Wyden said, "The American people have a right to know what the Central Intelligence Agency was doing in those critical months before 9/11".[447] The report was released in 2009 by President Barack Obama.[445]

    Congressional inquiry
    Main article: Joint Inquiry into Intelligence Community Activities before and after the Terrorist Attacks of September 11, 2001
    In February 2002, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence formed a joint inquiry into the performance of the U.S. Intelligence Community.[448] Their 832-page report released in December 2002[449] detailed failings of the FBI and CIA to use available information, including about terrorists the CIA knew were in the United States, to disrupt the plots.[450] The joint inquiry developed its information about possible involvement of Saudi Arabian government officials from non-classified sources.[451] Nevertheless, the Bush administration demanded 28 related pages remain classified.[450] In December 2002, the inquiry's chair Bob Graham (D-FL) revealed in an interview that there was "evidence that there were foreign governments involved in facilitating the activities of at least some of the terrorists in the United States".[452] September 11 victim families were frustrated by the unanswered questions and redacted material from the congressional inquiry and demanded an independent commission.[450] September 11 victim families,[453] members of Congress[454] and the Saudi Arabian government are still seeking the release of the documents.[455][456] In June 2016, CIA chief John Brennan said that he believes 28 redacted pages of a congressional inquiry into 9/11 will soon be made public, and that they will prove that the government of Saudi Arabia had no involvement in the September 11 attacks.[457]

    In September 2016, Congress passed the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act that would allow relatives of victims of the September 11 attacks to sue Saudi Arabia for its government's alleged role in the attacks.[458][459][460]

    9/11 Commission
    Main articles: 9/11 Commission and 9/11 Commission Report
    See also: Criticism of the 9/11 Commission
     The cover of the 9/11 Commission Report, a 585-page report released in 2004, on events leading up to the September 11 attacks and steps recommended to avoid a future terrorist attack
    The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, popularly known as the 9/11 Commission, chaired by Thomas Kean, governor of New Jersey from 1982 to 1990,[m] was formed in late 2002 to prepare a thorough account of the circumstances surrounding the attacks, including preparedness for and the immediate response to the attacks.[465] On July 22, 2004, the commission issued the 9/11 Commission Report, a 585-page report based on its investigations and interviews. The report detailed the events leading up to the September 11 attacks, concluding that they were carried out by Al-Qaeda. The commission also examined how security and intelligence agencies were inadequately coordinated to prevent the attacks.

    According to the report, "We believe the 9/11 attacks revealed four kinds of failures: in imagination, policy, capabilities, and management".[466] The commission made numerous recommendations on how to prevent future attacks, and in 2011 was dismayed that several of its recommendations had yet to be implemented.[467]

    National Institute of Standards and Technology
    Main article: NIST World Trade Center Disaster Investigation
    See also: 7 World Trade Center § 9/11 and collapse
     The exterior support columns from the lower level of the South Tower remained standing after the building collapsed
    The U.S. National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) investigated the collapses of the Twin Towers and 7 WTC. The investigations examined why the buildings collapsed and what fire protection measures were in place, and evaluated how fire protection systems might be improved in future construction.[468] The investigation into the collapse of 1 WTC and 2 WTC was concluded in October 2005 and that of 7 WTC was completed in August 2008.[469]

    NIST found that the fireproofing on the Twin Towers' steel infrastructures was blown off by the initial impact of the planes and that had this not occurred, the towers likely would have remained standing.[470] A 2007 study of the north tower's collapse published by researchers of Purdue University determined that since the plane's impact had stripped off much of the structure's thermal insulation, the heat from a typical office fire would have softened and weakened the exposed girders and columns enough to initiate the collapse regardless of the number of columns cut or damaged by the impact.[471][472]

    The director of the original investigation stated that "the towers did amazingly well. The terrorist aircraft didn't bring the buildings down; it was the fire that followed. It was proven that you could take out two-thirds of the columns in a tower and the building would still stand".[473] The fires weakened the trusses supporting the floors, making the floors sag. The sagging floors pulled on the exterior steel columns causing the exterior columns to bow inward.

    With the damage to the core columns, the buckling exterior columns could no longer support the buildings, causing them to collapse. Additionally, the report found the towers' stairwells were not adequately reinforced to provide adequate emergency escape for people above the impact zones.[474] NIST concluded that uncontrolled fires in 7 WTC caused floor beams and girders to heat and subsequently "caused a critical support column to fail, initiating a fire-induced progressive collapse that brought the building down".[469]

    Alleged Saudi government role
    Main article: Alleged Saudi government role in the September 11 attacks
    See also: Saudi Arabia–United States relations, Saudi Arabia and state-sponsored terrorism, and The 28 pages
    In July 2016, the Obama administration released a document compiled by U.S. investigators Dana Lesemann and Michael Jacobson, known as "File 17",[475] which contains a list naming three dozen people, including the suspected Saudi intelligence officers attached to Saudi Arabia's embassy in Washington, D.C.,[476] which connects Saudi Arabia to the hijackers.[477][478]

    In September 2016, Congress passed the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act.[479][480] The practical effect of the legislation was to allow the continuation of a longstanding civil lawsuit brought by families of victims of the September 11 attacks against Saudi Arabia for its government's alleged role in the attacks.[481] In March 2018, a U.S. judge formally allowed a suit to move forward against the government of Saudi Arabia brought by 9/11 survivors and victims' families.[479]

    In 2022, the families of some 9/11 victims obtained two videos and a notepad seized from Saudi national Omar al-Bayoumi by the British courts. The first video showed him hosting a party in San Diego for Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar, the first two hijackers to arrive in the U.S. The other video showed al-Bayoumi greeting the cleric Anwar al-Awlaki, who was blamed for radicalizing Americans and later killed in a CIA drone strike. The notepad depicted a hand-drawn aeroplane and some mathematical equations that, according to a pilot's court statement, might have been used to calculate the rate of descent to get to a target. According to a 2017 FBI memo, from the late 1990s up until the 9/11 attack, al-Bayoumi was a paid cooptee of the Saudi General Intelligence Presidency. As of April 2022 he is believed to be living in Saudi Arabia, which has denied any involvement in 9/11.[482]

    Rebuilding and memorials
    Reconstruction
    Main articles: Rescue and recovery effort after the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and Construction of One World Trade Center
    Further information: World Trade Center (2001–present) and World Trade Center site
     The rebuilt World Trade Center, September 2020
    On the day of the attacks, New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani stated: "We will rebuild. We're going to come out of this stronger than before, politically stronger, economically stronger. The skyline will be made whole again".[483]

    Within hours of the attack, a substantial search and rescue operation was launched. After months of around-the-clock operations, the World Trade Center site was cleared by the end of May 2002.[484] The damaged section of the Pentagon was rebuilt and occupied within a year of the attacks.[485] The temporary World Trade Center PATH station opened in late 2003 and construction of the new 7 World Trade Center was completed in 2006. Work on rebuilding the main World Trade Center site was delayed until late 2006 when leaseholder Larry Silverstein and the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey agreed on financing.[486] The construction of One World Trade Center began on April 27, 2006, and reached its full height on May 20, 2013. The spire was installed atop the building at that date, putting One WTC's height at 1,776 feet (541 m) and thus claiming the title of the tallest building in the Western Hemisphere.[487][488] One WTC finished construction and opened on November 3, 2014.[488][489][490]

    On the World Trade Center site, three more office towers were to be built one block east of where the original towers stood.[491] 4 WTC, meanwhile, opened in November 2013, making it the second tower on the site to open behind 7 World Trade Center, as well as the first building on the Port Authority property.[492] 3 WTC opened on June 11, 2018, becoming the fourth skyscraper at the site to be completed.[493] In December 2022, the Nicholas Greek Orthodox Church fully reopened for regular services[494] followed by the opening of the Ronald O. Perelman Performing Arts Center in September 2023.[495] With construction beginning in 2008,[496] 2 World Trade Center remains as of 2023 unfinished.[497] Construction of a 5 World Trade Center is planned to begin in 2024 and be finished by 2029.[498][499]

    Christopher O. Ward, Port Authority of New York and New Jersey Executive Director from 2008 to 2011, is a survivor of the attacks and is credited with getting the construction of the 9/11 site back on track.[500]

    Memorials
    Main article: Memorials and services for the September 11 attacks
     The National September 11 Memorial and Museum in Lower Manhattan, August 2016
    In the days immediately following the attacks, many memorials and vigils were held around the world, and photographs of the dead and missing were posted around Ground Zero. A witness described being unable to "get away from faces of innocent victims who were killed. Their pictures are everywhere, on phone booths, street lights, and walls of subway stations. Everything reminded me of a huge funeral, people were quiet and sad, but also very nice. Before, New York gave me a cold feeling; now people were reaching out to help each other".[501] President Bush proclaimed Friday, September 14, 2001 as Patriot Day.[502]

     Tribute in Light, featuring two columns of light representing the Twin Towers, September 2020
    One of the first memorials was the Tribute in Light, an installation of 88 searchlights at the footprints of the World Trade Center towers.[503] In New York City, the World Trade Center Site Memorial Competition was held to design an appropriate memorial on the site.[504] The winning design, Reflecting Absence, was selected in August 2006, and consists of a pair of reflecting pools in the footprints of the towers, surrounded by a list of the victims' names in an underground memorial space.[505] The memorial was completed on September 11, 2011;[506] a museum also opened on site on May 21, 2014.[507]

    The Sphere by the German sculptor Fritz Koenig is the world's largest bronze sculpture of modern times, and stands between the Twin Towers on the Austin J. Tobin Plaza of the World Trade Center in New York City from 1971 until the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. The sculpture, weighing more than 20 tons, was the only remaining work of art to be recovered largely intact from the ruins of the collapsed Twin Towers after the attacks. Since then, the work of art, known in the U.S. as The Sphere, has been transformed into an important symbolic monument of 9/11 commemoration. After being dismantled and stored near a hangar at John F. Kennedy International Airport, the sculpture was the subject of the 2001 documentary The Sphere by filmmaker Percy Adlon. On August 16, 2017, the work was reinstated, installed at the Liberty Park, close to the new World Trade Center aerial and the 9/11 Memorial.[508]

     The National 9/11 Pentagon Memorial in Arlington County, Virginia, September 2008
    In Arlington County, the Pentagon Memorial was completed and opened to the public on the seventh anniversary of the attacks in 2008.[509][510] It consists of a landscaped park with 184 benches facing the Pentagon.[511] When the Pentagon was repaired in 2001–2002, a private chapel and indoor memorial were included, located at the spot where Flight 77 crashed into the building.[512]

    In Shanksville, a concrete-and-glass visitor center was opened on September 10, 2015,[513] situated on a hill overlooking the crash site and the white marble Wall of Names.[514] An observation platform at the visitor centre and the white marble wall are both aligned beneath the path of Flight 93.[514][515] A temporary memorial is located 500 yards (457 m) from the crash site.[516] New York City firefighters donated a cross made of steel from the World Trade Center and mounted on top of a platform shaped like the Pentagon.[517] It was installed outside the firehouse on August 25, 2008.[518] Many other permanent memorials are elsewhere. Scholarships and charities have been established by the victims' families and by many other organizations and private figures.[519]

    On every anniversary in New York City, the names of the victims who died there are read out against a background of sombre music. The President of the United States attends a memorial service at the Pentagon,[520] and asks Americans to observe Patriot Day with a moment of silence. Smaller services are held in Shanksville, Pennsylvania, which are usually attended by the First Lady. In September 2023, President Joe Biden did not attend services in the affected areas, instead marking the day in Anchorage, Alaska, the first US President to do so since the attacks.[521][522][523]

     
    See also
    9/11 Commission
    9/11 Commission Report
    Air France Flight 8969
    Bojinka plot
    Delta 1989 and Korean 085, two other flights that were falsely suspected of being hijacked as part of the September 11 attacks
    List of cultural references to the September 11 attacks
    Khobar Towers bombing
    List of attacks on U.S. territory
    List of aviation incidents involving terrorism
    List of deadliest terrorist attacks in the United States
    List of Islamist terrorist attacks
    List of major terrorist incidents
    List of terrorist incidents in 2001
    List of terrorist incidents in New York CityOutline of the September 11 attacks
    Timeline of al-Qaeda attacks
    Timeline of the September 11 attacks
    USS Cole bombing
    1993 World Trade Center bombing
    1998 United States embassy bombing
    2006 transatlantic aircraft plot
    2007 John F. Kennedy International Airport attack plot
    2009 Bronx terrorism plot
    2010 transatlantic aircraft bomb plot
    2023 Israel–Hamas war
    2004 Madrid train bombings
    References
    Notes
    ^ Other, secondary attack locations include the airspaces of Massachusetts, New Jersey, Ohio, Kentucky and West Virginia.
    ^ The hijackers began their first attack at around 08:13 a.m., when a group of five took control of American Airlines Flight 11, injuring two people and murdering one before forcing their way into the cockpit.
    ^ The fourth and final hijacked plane of the attacks crashed in a Pennsylvania field at 10:03 a.m., which concluded the attacks since all the attackers were now dead and all of the hijacked planes were destroyed. However, the attackers' damage continued as the North Tower kept burning for an additional 25 minutes until it ultimately collapsed by 10:28 a.m.
    ^ Sources vary regarding the number of injuries―some say 6,000[1] while others go as high as 25,000.[2]
    ^ The expression 9/11 is typically pronounced "nine eleven" in English, even including places that use the opposite numerical dating convention; the slash is not pronounced.
    ^ The exact time is disputed. The 9/11 Commission Report states that Flight 11 struck the North Tower at 08:46:40 a.m.,[3] NIST reports 08:46:30 a.m.,[4] and some other sources claim 08:46:26 a.m.[5]
    ^ Jump up to:a b c The exact time is disputed. The 9/11 Commission Report states that Flight 175 struck the South Tower at 09:03:11 a.m.,[6][7] NIST reports 09:02:59 a.m.,[8] and some other sources claim 09:03:02 a.m.[9] In any case, the 16-minute gap between each impact is rounded to 17.[10]
    ^ Jump up to:a b While NIST and the 9/11 Commission give differing accounts of the exact second of the North Tower's collapse initiation, with NIST placing it at 10:28:22 a.m.[11][12] and the commission at 10:28:25 a.m.,[13] it is generally accepted that Flight 11 did not strike the North Tower any sooner than 8:46:26 a.m.,[5] so the time it took for the North Tower to collapse was just shy of 102 minutes either way.
    ^ NIST and the 9/11 Commission both state that the collapse began at 9:58:59 a.m., which is rounded to 9:59[148]: 84 [147]: 322  for simplicity. If the commission's claim that the South Tower was struck at 9:03:11 is to be believed, then the collapse began 55 minutes and 48 seconds after the crash, not 56 minutes.
    ^ The exact time of the North Tower's collapse initiation is disputed, with NIST dubbing the moment it began to collapse as being 10:28:22 a.m.[149] and the 9/11 Commission recording the time as 10:28:25.[150]: 329 
    ^ The massacre at Camp Speicher―often described as the second deadliest act of terrorism in history after 9/11―is said to have killed between 1,095 and 1,700 people.[161] The upper estimate would tie it with the attack on the World Trade Center's North Tower, but until the true death toll of the massacre becomes known, then the hijacking and crash of Flight 11 was the deadliest act of terrorism on record.
    ^ President Barack Obama announced his death on May 1. At the time of the raid, it was early morning of May 2 in Pakistan and late afternoon of May 1 in the U.S.
    ^ Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger was initially appointed to head the commission[461] but resigned only weeks after being appointed, to avoid conflicts of interest.[462] Former U.S. Senator George Mitchell was originally appointed as the vice chairman, but he stepped down on December 10, 2002, not wanting to sever ties to his law firm.[463] On December 15, 2002, Bush appointed former New Jersey Governor Tom Kean to head the commission.[464]
    Citations
    ^ "A Day of Remembrance". U.S. Embassy in Georgia. September 11, 2022. Archived from the original on October 24, 2023. Retrieved October 27, 2022.
    ^ Stempel, Jonathan (July 29, 2019). "Accused 9/11 mastermind open to role in victims' lawsuit if not executed". Reuters. Archived from the original on April 5, 2020. Retrieved October 27, 2022.
    ^ 9/11 Final Report of the National Commission (2004). Collapse of WTC1 (PDF). p. 24. Archived (PDF) from the original on September 12, 2017. Retrieved December 7, 2023.
    ^ National Institute of Standards and Technology (2005). "Final report on the collapse of the World Trade Center" (PDF). NIST: 69. Archived (PDF) from the original on July 7, 2021. Retrieved December 7, 2023.
    ^ Jump up to:a b "102 Minutes: Last Words at the Trade Center; Fighting to Live as the Towers Die". The New York Times. May 26, 2002. Archived from the original on September 12, 2009. Retrieved June 23, 2023.
    ^ Final Report of the 9/11 Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (PDF) (Report). National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States. July 22, 2004. pp. 7–8. Archived (PDF) from the original on August 16, 2021. Retrieved August 15, 2021.
    ^ Staff Report of the 9/11 Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States (PDF) (Report). National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States. September 2005 [August 26, 2004]. p. 24. Archived (PDF) from the original on July 12, 2014. Retrieved August 15, 2021.
    ^ Building and Fire Research Laboratory (September 2005). Visual Evidence, Damage Estimates, and Timeline Analysis (PDF) (Report). National Institute of Standards and Technology, United States Department of Commerce. p. 27. Archived (PDF) from the original on September 11, 2021. Retrieved August 24, 2021.
    ^ "Timeline for United Airlines Flight 175". NPR. June 17, 2004. Archived from the original on August 24, 2021. Retrieved August 24, 2021.
    ^ 9/11 Commission 2004a, p. 302.
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    ^ Jump up to:a bMearsheimer (2007), p. 67.
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    ^ "Full text: bin Laden's 'letter to America'". The Guardian. November 24, 2002. Archived from the original on October 8, 2014. Retrieved January 7, 2019. The blood pouring out of Palestine must be equally revenged. You must know that the Palestinians do not cry alone; their women are not widowed alone; their sons are not orphaned alone... American people have chosen, consented to, and affirmed their support for the Israeli oppression of the Palestinians, the occupation and usurpation of their land, and its continuous killing, torture, punishment and expulsion of the Palestinians. The American people have the ability and choice to refuse the policies of their government and even to change them if they want. (b) The American people are the ones who pay the taxes that fund the planes that bomb us in Afghanistan, the tanks that strike and destroy our homes in Palestine, the armies that occupy our lands in the Arabian Gulf, and the fleets that ensure the blockade of Iraq.
    ^ Riedel, Bruce (2008). "1: The Manhattan Raid". The Search for Al Qaeda. Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, DC, US: Brookings Institution Press. pp. 5, 6. ISBN 978-0-8157-0451-5. The Palestinian intifada, the fierce uprising in the fall of 2000 on the West Bank and Gaza, was a particularly powerful motivating event for.. bin Laden... The intifada's power over bin Laden's thinking about the 9/11 raid is underscored by his repeated attempts to push KSM to advance the timing of the crashes. In September of 2000, he urged KSM to tell Atta to attack immediately to respond to the Sharon visit to the holy sites in Jerusalem; Atta told bin Laden he was not ready yet. When bin Laden learned that Sharon, who had become Israel's prime minister in March 2001, was going to visit the White House early that summer, he again pressed Atta to attack immediately. And again Atta demurred, arguing he needed more time to get the plan and the team ready to go.
    ^ Holbrook, Donald (2014). The Al-Qaeda Doctrine. New York, NY, US: Bloomsbury. p. 145. ISBN 978-1-62356-314-1.
    ^ J. Greenberg, Karen (2005). "October 21, 2001 – Interview with Tayseer Alouni". Al Qaeda Now. New York, US: Cambridge University Press. pp. 192–206. ISBN 978-0-521-85911-0. Last year's blessed intifada helped us to push more for the Palestinian issue. This push helps the other cause. Attacking America helps the cause of Palestine and vice versa. No conflict between the two; on the contrary, one serves the other.
    ^ *Plotz, David (2001) What Does Osama Bin Laden Want? Archived November 15, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, SlateBergen (2001), p. 3
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    ^ "Full transcript of bin Laden's 'Letter to America'". The Guardian. London. November 24, 2002. Archived from the original on April 26, 2019. Retrieved September 3, 2011.
    ^ bin Laden, Osama. "Full transcript of bin Ladin's speech". Al Jazeera. Archived from the original on January 1, 2016. Retrieved April 10, 2012. So I shall talk to you about the story behind those events and shall tell you truthfully about the moments in which the decision was taken, for you to consider
    ^ Bruce Lawrence, ed. (2005). Messages to the World: The Statements of Osama bin Laden. 6 Meard Street, London W1F OEG: Verso. p. 119. ISBN 1-84467-045-7.
    ^ Bergen, Peter L. (2005). Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama Bin Laden. New York: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-7432-3467-2. Retrieved March 20, 2020.
    ^ Jump up to:a b "1998 Al Qaeda fatwā". Federation of American Scientists (FAS). February 23, 1998. Archived from the original on April 21, 2010. Retrieved September 3, 2011.
    ^ Jump up to:a b Yusufzai, Rahimullah (September 26, 2001). "Face to face with Osama". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on January 19, 2008. Retrieved September 3, 2011.
    ^ Pape, Robert A. (2005). Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-0-8129-7338-9. Retrieved March 20, 2020.
    ^ See also the 1998 Al-Qaeda fatwā: "The ruling to kill the Americans and their allies – civilians and military – is an individual duty for every Muslim who can do it in any country in which it is possible to do it, in order to liberate the al-Aqsa Mosque and the holy mosque [Mecca] from their grip, and in order for their armies to move out of all the lands of Islam, defeated and unable to threaten any Muslim." Quoted from "Al Qaeda's Second Fatwa". PBS NewsHour. PBS. Archived from the original on November 28, 2013. Retrieved May 29, 2014.
    ^ Summers and Swan (2011), pp. 211, 506n.
    ^ Lawrence (2005), p. 239.
    ^ "Full transcript of bin Ladin's speech". Al Jazeera. November 4, 2004. Archived from the original on November 14, 2016. Retrieved August 24, 2016.
    ^ In his taped broadcast from January 2010, bin Laden said "Our attacks against you [the United States] will continue as long as U.S. support for Israel continues. ... The message sent to you with the attempt by the hero Nigerian Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab is a confirmation of our previous message conveyed by the heroes of September 11". Quoted from "Bin Laden: Attacks on U.S. to go on as long as it supports Israel" Archived December 16, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, in Haaretz.com
    ^ Bernard Lewis, 2004. In Bernard Lewis's 2004 book The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror, he argues that animosity toward the West is best understood with the decline of the once powerful Ottoman empire, compounded by the import of western ideas – Arab socialism, Arab liberalism and Arab secularism
    ^ In "The spirit of terrorism", Jean Baudrillard described 9/11 as the first global event that "questions the very process of globalization". Baudrillard. "The spirit of terrorism". Archived from the original on May 28, 2010. Retrieved June 26, 2011.
    ^ In an essay entitled "Somebody Else's Civil War", Michael Scott Doran argues the attacks are best understood as part of a religious conflict within the Muslim world and that bin Laden's followers "consider themselves an island of true believers surrounded by a sea of iniquity". Hoping that U.S. retaliation would unite the faithful against the West, bin Laden sought to spark revolutions in Arab nations and elsewhere. Doran argues the Osama bin Laden videos attempt to provoke a visceral reaction in the Middle East and ensure that Muslim citizens would react as violently as possible to an increase in U.S. involvement in their region. (Doran, Michael Scott. "Somebody Else's Civil War". Foreign Affairs. No. January/February 2002. Archived from the original on April 23, 2015. Retrieved December 5, 2009. Reprinted in Hoge, James F.; Rose, Gideon (2005). Understanding the War on Terror. New York: Norton. pp. 72–75. ISBN 978-0-87609-347-4.)
    ^ In The Osama bin Laden I Know, Peter Bergen argues the attacks were part of a plan to cause the United States to increase its military and cultural presence in the Middle East, thereby forcing Muslims to confront the idea of a non-Muslim government and to eventually establish conservative Islamic governments in the region.(Bergen (2006), p. 229)
    ^ Lahoud, Nelly (2022). The Bin Laden Papers: How the Abbottabad Raid Revealed the Truth about al-Qaeda, Its Leader and His Family. New Haven (CT): Yale University Press. pp. 16–19, 307. ISBN 978-0-300-26063-2.
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    ^ Wright (2006), p. 308.
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    ^ "Biden will observe 9/11 in Alaska instead of the traditional NYC, Virginia or Pennsylvania events". AP News. August 28, 2023. Retrieved September 23, 2023.
    ^ Judd, Donald (September 11, 2023). "Biden marks 9/11 in Alaska, calls on Americans 'to protect our democracy' | CNN Politics". CNN. Retrieved September 23, 2023.
    ^ Hutzler, Alexandra (September 11, 2023). "Biden criticized for marking 9/11 anniversary in Alaska". ABC News. Retrieved September 23, 2023.
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    Alavosius, Mark P.; Rodriquez, Nischal J. (2005). "Unity of Purpose/Unity of effort: Private-Sector Preparedness in Times of Terror". Disaster Prevention & Management. 14 (5): 666. Bibcode:2005DisPM..14..666A. doi:10.1108/09653560510634098.
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    Bergen, Peter L. (2001). Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama Bin Laden. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-7432-3467-2. Retrieved March 18, 2016.
    Bergen, Peter (2006). The Osama Bin Laden I Know: An Oral History of Al Qaeda's Leader. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-7432-9592-5. Retrieved March 18, 2016.
    Berner, Brad (2007). The World According to Al Qaeda. Peacock Books. ISBN 978-81-248-0114-7. Retrieved March 18, 2016.
    Bodnar, John.. Divided by Terror: American Patriotism after 9/11 (University of North Carolina Press, 2021) how memory of the event stimulated and reshaped patriotism.
    Clarke, Richard (2004). Against All Enemies: Inside America's War on Terror. New York: Free Press. ISBN 978-0-7432-6024-4.
    Dwyer, Jim; Flynn, Kevin (2005). 102 Minutes. Times Books. ISBN 978-0-8050-7682-0. Retrieved March 18, 2016.
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    Gunaratna, Ronan (2002). Inside Al Qaeda: global network of terror. Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-12692-2.
    Holmes, Stephen (2006). "Al Qaeda, September 11, 2001". In Diego Gambetta (ed.). Making sense of suicide missions. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-929797-9. Retrieved March 18, 2016.
    Ibrahim, Raymond; bin Laden, Osama (2007). The Al Qaeda reader. Random House Digital, Inc. ISBN 978-0-385-51655-6. Retrieved March 18, 2016.
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    Further reading
    The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States. National Commission on Terrorist Attacks. July 30, 2010. ISBN 978-1-61640-219-8.
    Atkins, Stephen E (2011). The 9/11 Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-59884-921-9.
    Bolton, M. Kent (2006). U.S. National Security and Foreign Policymaking After 9/11: Present at the Re-creation. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7425-5900-4.
    Caraley, Demetrios (2002). September 11, terrorist attacks, and U.S. foreign policy. Academy of Political Science. ISBN 978-1-884853-01-2.
    Chernick, Howard (2005). Resilient city: the economic impact of 9/11. Russell Sage Foundation. ISBN 978-0-87154-170-3.
    Damico, Amy M; Quay, Sara E. (2010). September 11 in Popular Culture: A Guide. Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-35505-9.
    Hampton, Wilborn (2003). September 11, 2001: attack on New York City. Candlewick Press. ISBN 978-0-7636-1949-7.
    Langley, Andrew (2006). September 11: Attack on America. Compass Point Books. ISBN 978-0-7565-1620-8.
    Neria, Yuval; Gross, Raz; Marshall, Randall D.; Susser, Ezra S. (2006). 9/11: mental health in the wake of terrorist attacks. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-83191-8.
    Ryan, Allan A. (2015). The 9/11 Terror Cases: Constitutional Challenges in the War against Al Qaeda. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-2132-3.
    Strasser, Steven; Whitney, Craig R; United States. Congress. Senate. Select Committee on Intelligence, National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States (2004). The 9/11 investigations: staff reports of the 9/11 Commission: excerpts from the House-Senate joint inquiry report on 9/11: testimony from fourteen key witnesses, including Richard Clarke, George Tenet, and Condoleezza Rice. PublicAffairs. ISBN 978-1-58648-279-4.
    External links
    September 11 attacksat Wikipedia's sister projects
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    National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States official commission website
    List of victims
    September 11, 2001, Documentary Project from the U.S. Library of Congress, Memory.loc.gov
    September 11, 2001, Web Archive from the U.S. Library of Congress, Minerva
    National Security Archive
    September 11 Digital Archive: Saving the Histories of September 11, 2001, from the Center for History and New Media and the American Social History Project/Center for Media and Learning
    DoD: Khalid Sheikh Mohammed Verbatim Transcript of Combatant Status Review Tribunal Hearing for ISN 10024, from Wikisource
    The 9/11 Legacies Project, Oriental Institute, Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague
    9/11 at 20: A Week of Reflection, Responsible Statecraft, The Quincy Institute
    September 11, 2001 collection at the Smithsonian National Museum of American History
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